"An Ex-Jesuit, who had lived 48 years in Vienna, came to visit us in order to conduct us to Ferreira de Aves, a Convent of Benedictine Nuns, where he had a sister and four cousins. They were called to the parlour, where the Abbess also came. The conversation was very gay : the women talked much, and burst into fits of laughter on every occasion. They entertained us with tea and pastry."

A verbose tale of the "hair-breadth 'scape" of the Count Hoff mansegg in the snow, on the Serra de Estrella, the Alps of Portugal, contributes to make up this volume. The Professor has not been able' to discover the silver mines, which he mentioned in his first Travels, near Arganil; they most probably owe their existence to national prejudice, and the author's credulity. Here, however, he has not omitted the opportunity of abusing the Portuguese Government, of "endeavouring to reduce every thing to a monopoly," merely because it has prudently provided for the supply of the coffee-houses in Lisbon with snow, the gathering, preserving, and transporting of which from the neighbouring mountains, are entrusted to industrious individuals. The snow is collected, pressed hard into a kind of mould, or long box, then rolled in straw, and placed in a cart, and in that state sent to Lisbon, the journey being performed only during the nights.

M. Link's account of the salt-beds in the Island of Murraceira, and the coal-mines near the Cape of Buarcos, is very imperfect; as is also that of a large lake, near the village of Vagos, which is not iharked in the maps. The Professor is no more correct, when he says, that "near Longroiva there are two mineral springs; one warm with a sulphureous smell, the other containing carbonic acid." His observations on the elevation of the mountains, are puerile in the highest degree. The summit of the Serra de Gerez, which, from the cold," he had estimated to be 4000 feet above the level of the sea, he now finds is not 3000; the Serra de Maras, which is much higher than the preceding, from the cold which there reigns, "we should suppose, under these degrees of latitude, to be not less than 7 or 8,000 feet high." The author here commits an error respecting the nature of climates in low latitudes; in these regions the cold is frequently more intense on their mountains, than it is on those of the same elevation in more northern latitudes. In summing up the general products of the province of Beira, he has been credulous enough to repeat some of the vulgar traditions respecting gold-mines, &c. which we did not expect to hear repeated in this age of science.

The Professor gives us also his miscellaneous notes on the provinces. of Estremadura (which includes Lisbon), and Alentejo; his short account of the kingdom of Algarve is taken from hearsay, for neither he nor the Count, it appears, have visited it. His description of Lisbon is rather minute than accurate; but, when he compares it to Genoa, which, he says, might rival it, he certainly has a very faint idea of its real grandeur, as well as of its beauty. Bourdeaux, before

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the

the Revolution, when its river was crowded with shipping, and its public buildings not crumbling in ruins, had more resemblance to Lisbon, especially in its picturesque view of an amphitheatre, and the verdure, or rich culture of the opposite banks of the river. In many cases the author evinces his ignorance of the Portuguese Janguage, especially when he extolls the lower classes of people for never using prophane words or oaths in their discourses or disputes in the streets. It is true, the Portuguese have never yet published a complete dictionary of their language, like most other civilized nations, of course it is often vague and indefinite, occasioned by the difference between the traditional, oral, and written import of words. In some provinces all words derived from Latin, have the same value as in Spain; in others the same words have more of a French acceptation, and not a few of the Italian. This fact has not been perceived by Professor Link, in consequence of which his judgment, both of the manners and sentiments of the Portuguese, is often very superficial and incorrect. He, states, that the Portuguese have a multitude of words to express the different kinds of gardens; he defines “ quinta" to mean a "kitchen garden behind the house;" and "cercas," the "gardens attached to convents, surrounded with high walls." The latter, however, is often applied to any court or yard, or what the French call basse-cour; and the former always implies not only a garden, but a country house also, a cottage or rural retreat belonging to some grandee or noble, who allows his steward, or bailiff, a quinta, or fifth part of its products, for his trouble of cultivating and preserv ing it. This is the etymology of the word quinta, which the Professor avows he was unable to ascertain.

Our author cavils at Murphy, for saying that the servants play at cards in the anti-chambers of their masters; and that the hair-dressers, on festivals, wear swords and carry their hats under their arms, in the first style of fashion, both of which are sufficiently common at Lisbon, although unobserved by the botanist. His other objection, that the Portuguese, instead of giving the right to strangers, give them the best path, only evinces his eagerness to find an objection against the English writers. Murphy has resided in Portugal many years, and is much better acquainted both with the language and manners of the people than M. Link; his descriptions are rather faithful than perfect, that is, what he has said is true, especially of Lisbon, but he has particularized their virtues much more copiously than their vices: yet our botanical traveller would surpass him in praise of the Portuguese! Perhaps, indeed, we should excuse the Professor's mistakes on this head, as it appears that he does not understand English, and has strangely misconceived the establishment, called the Long Room, which the English have instituted and supported as an assembly-room. We cannot, however, offer the same apology for his invidious and interested remarks on Mr. Stephens's manufactory of glass; they are evidently modelled in the French school, and shew, that if the ambitious enemies of the English manufactories

cannot

cannot rival them, they will at least endeavour to depreciate them by gross misrepresentations. Mr. Stephens's glass is said to be brittle and less brilliant than foreign glass. True, it is inferior to that made in England, but it is superior to that of any other country, whether Germany or France.

"Approaching Elvas, from Badajos," says M. Link, "we compared Portugal to Spain, and our judgment was in favour of the former, because it exceeded our expectations. The Spaniards say, that Portugal is a frightful country, that the roads are impassable, the houses so bad that One can see the stars in bed, and that the people are false and fawning. The Spaniards are right; the roads are not made for carriages; in many inns the roof is formed with reeds, that suffer the light, but not the rain,' to pass. I admit that the politeness of the Portuguese often costs money: but the rudeness of the Spaniards also takes it, and I would rather lose my money by flattery than by menaces.

"The English say that the Portuguese are perfidious; that they will not accept a challenge, but that they will take revenge like assassins. This is, no doubt, a great reproach; but a default decides nothing. They are said to be indolent, but a lazy people would never have penetrated so far into the interior of Africa. They are also said to be devotees and fanatics, but the nation has never been fanatical, even when their Kings were so. To the Portuguese people, however, we should attribute some characteristic traits they possess considerable vivacity, levity, loquacity, and politeness."

The latter character, which is correct, and similar to that of the French, should have taught the Professor, why the Portuguese are less laborious than the Spaniards, as levity and loquacity are incompa tible with hard labour. In this respect, the gravity of the Spaniards is much more favourable to industry, than the levity of the Portuguese and French. The former are, indeed, more industrious, and also have more chearfulness and tranquillity of mind than the latter. The same characteristic appears in the Quakers of this country.

Portuguese have penetrated into Africa, it is not from an active or industrious disposition, but from the impulse of an idle and insatiable curiosity, that predominates more perhaps in Portugal than in any other country of Europe.

From the preceding extracts, it will appear that this volume will not add much to the literary fame of its author, whose Travels in Portugal have obtained a factitious celebrity from his reputation as a botanist. But a very few (and those not original) botanical remarks occur in these Additions, which are chiefly descriptions, or rather itineraries of roads along the sides, or bottoms of hills, but never any thing like a general view, either of the situation, elevation, or geographical direction of these mountains. His geological observations are superficial and trifling; all his pictures deficient in some essential characters, and his observations on men, manners and things, discover much more simplicity, and a desire to please the Portuguese, than impartiality, acumen, or perspicacity. He writes, indeed, as if he doubted his own judgment, and the truth of what ne mentions.

Theorie du Monde Politique, &c.

Theory of the Political World, or of the Science of Government considered as a Science exacte. By Ch. His. 8vo. Pr. 227. Paris. 1806. Imported by Deconchy.

IT would seem as if the modern French writers had experienced the fate of those story-tellers, who from often repeating the most unqualified lies, at length really believe them true. They have praised the sword-law of Buonaparte, whilst they despised it; now they begin to believe their own praises, and to examine if they are not consistent, of coeval with the law of nature. This is the rear object of the present writer. By means of a few common-place observations, ex. pressed with an air of mysticism and profound knowledge, he endea vours to prove, that the institutions, and actual establishments now in France, are in a true state of nature. To give his work a litle more consequence, he has also attempted to rival, or rather imitate the au thor of the Spirit of Laws, and has divided a volume, of only 200 pages, into four books and sixty-eight chapters, which are principally Occupied with verbal definitions of government, of unity, and sociality; sovereign laws, and civil laws; monarchy, democracy, and despotism, public force; a being real, and a being artificial; political liberty, and civil liberty; the force of impulsion, and the force of inertia; and the difference between authority or power with respect to persons and things. Some of these distinctions are merely verbal, others real; but in general the author has marked their difference with sufficient precision and perspicuity. We shall translate the entire chapter, entitled "England," which will convey a very just idea of the manner and spirit of this treatise.

"The English laws say, that the two Houses, composing the Parlia. ment, have jointly and exclusively the initiation of the laws, and also jointly the right to adopt or reject their respective resolutions. Thus, the Parliament has the force of impulsion.

"If the two Houses concur in adopting a resolution, the English laws say, that the King has the power of paralyzing it by his vete, or of giv. ing it the force of a law by granting it his sanction. Thus, the King has but the force of inertia.

"This is the intention of the laws; the following is what takes place. "The King, it is true has not, neither by himself, nor by his Minis. ters, the initiation of the laws; but as he takes care not to choose his Ministers but among the Members of Parliament, they do in the latter capacity all that they would do as Ministers of the King.

In the Parliament there occurs sometimes a species of arena, in which every Member has the right of combating in favour of his own opinion, and of transforming it into the general will. Hence, whether by their eloquence, or by all the other means which are in their power, as soon as they are assured of the triumph of the will of the King, so soon do they discard all those which are opposed to them. In this manner, there fore, the King conquers the force of impulsion. Finally,

Finally, as the King is the only depositary of the public force, he unites the unity of execution, to the unity of conception: society finds in him all the advantages ƒ a real being.

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"Nevertheless, he would not make a proposition to the Parliament too contrary to the general interest, or if he did, it is possible that it would be rejected. If he has the advantages of a real being, he has not the in

conveniencies.

"Unity and sociality are attained, but by an indirect way.

"There is not, therefore, in England, neither division nor equilibrium of powers: there is only one power combined in a particular manner.

The King of England is the homme-pouvir, yet he is it, if I may so speak, but from day to day. It is always necessary that he should have the air of gaining from the Parliament this prerogative, which it has the appearance of disputing to him.

"The advantage of England, therefore, does not consist in the good ness of her laws, but that the real progress of the Government, is in an inverse way from its apparent organization (la marche réelle du gouvernement est en sens invers de son organisation apparente).

"This is not a supposition; it is an abstraction to which I have just adapted the facts which serve it as a basis; it is therefore a demon

stration.

"The nature of things has taken its empire in England; and it has taken it better there than elsewhere, because the laws are nearer being subordinate to it.

"The Kings of this nation have there exercised a long time despotic authority, founded by the famous Norman who conquered it. As despotism is not conformable to the nature of things, the nobles and the com • mons, united in interests by particular circumstances, have constantly leagued together to emancipate themselves. The struggle continued a long time; at last, tired of their dissentions, the parties agreed to a truce. This truce is the English Constitution. .

"It presents, indeed, sufficiently well the spectacle of two armies in presence of each other, preserving an attitude at once amicable and menacing. From time to time they keep themselves in breath by feigned combats, and the English people take a pleasure in their evolutions: it is for them the parade of liberty. From one moment to another the com bat might become serious, for the victory has never been decided,"

Such are the profound discoveries of this mundane politician, who, from a note we learn, has been one of Buonaparte's agents in different countries. Dogmatism, mysticism, and an affectation of originality, are evident in the above extract, as well as throughout every chapter in this volume. Our theorist, instead of drawing his conclusions from historical facts, has vainiy endeavoured to adapt facts to his reveries. The following sentence in his concluding chapter is an example.

"Governments," says he, "are not like individuals, subject to ad vance uniformly from youth towards maturity, and from old age to death. On the contrary, their strength increases with their duration. The longer they have lived, the greater certainty they have of continuing to live."

Unfor