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the bust of Buonaparte was placed, are entirely withered, and nothing but penury and desolation remain in the deserted streets of Marseilles ! Such is the actual state of a city, which but three years ago was, after Paris, the most populous of any in France.

Mémoire sur les Relations Commerciales des Etats-Unies avec L'Angleterre. Essai sur les Avantages à retirer de Colonies Nouvelles dans les Circonstances présentes. Par le Citoyen Talleyrand. PP. 47. Deboffe. 1805.

THESE short Essays contain the seminal ideas of vast projects, some of which have already been attempted to be realized. They were read in the National Institute a short time before the memorable expedition to Egypt; and, though they cannot be said to have first suggested the idea of seizing on that country, as France had long before had the seizure in contemplation, yet they probably were the proximate cause of the armament under Buonaparte. The intimate connexion which has since taken place between the writer and the commander of that expedition, and the cry of "ships, colonies, and commerce," which has been heard throughout Europe, plainly announce how much the conduct of the latter is under the guidance of the former; except when emancipated by the violence of his temper, like the "angry boy" of Homer, "jura negat sibi nata.”

In the first of these Essays, after some well-founded general remarks on the subject of political economy, the author proceeds to account for the continuance and increase of the commercial relations between Britain and the United States of America, immediately after a long and bloody civil war-which is naturally productive of distrust and aversion. He appears to attribute more importance to the first cause, which he assigns for this continuation and increase, than it really deserves.

"If France," (he says) "after the peace which established the independence of America, had felt the value of her situation, she would have continued, and have endeavoured to multiply those relations that had been so happily established between her and her Allies, and had ceased with Great Britain; then, the old habits being almost forgotten, every endea. your to recall them might have been combated with advantage. But, at that critical moment, what was the conduct of France? She dreaded the introduction of those independent principles at home, which she had protected by her arms in America; and at the peace she discontinued and discouraged every species of intercourse with the new State. England, on the contrary, forgot every hostile feeling, and opened with prompti. tude, and with increased activity, every source of ancient communication. From that moment the subserviency of America to the interests of England was decided.”

APPENDIX, VOL, XXV.

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His meaning is, that the conduct of France at the period alluded to, gave a decisive turn to the American commerce in favour of England. In this he is totally mistaken. No efforts on the part of France could have ensured to her the commerce of America. Most of the commodities to supply the wants of the inhabitants of the United States, she did not possess; and those which she could have exported, were neither so good, nor so cheap as similar articles of British manufacture. Add to this, that the immense capital of our merchants enables them to give, what is indispensable in transactions with the traders of the western world, we mean a length of credit, which it is beyond the ability of most French merchants to allow. When these things are considered, it is plain that every effort of France would have been fruitless; it would have been the unavailing struggle of an infant against a giant. Commerce will ever follow the cheapest and the most

abundant market.

We suspect that the writer has been led into this mistake by a wish to have a hit at the old monarchical government of France: for he himself has given such unanswerable reasons for the predominancy of our commercial connexion with America, that his supposing it to have been in the power of France to rival us, becomes inconceivable.Among other reasons equally convincing, he says, that—

"America must receive from Europe not only a great part of what she consumes internally, but also much of what she employs in foreign commerce, all which is completely furnished by England. It is easy to assign the causes of this voluntary monopoly. The immensity of goods which issues from the British manufactories, the division of labour, at the same time the principle and consequence of that inconceivable quantity, and especially the ingenious employment of mechanical powers, adapted to the various processes of manufacture; have enabled the English to sell all articles of common use at a lower rate than any other nation has hitherto been able to furnish them. Add to this, the great capitals of the English merchants enable them to give longer credit than any merchant of any other nation can afford to do. The consequence of this is, that the American trader employs scarcely any of his own capital in his commerce, but carries it on almost entirely on British capital."

We ask Mr. Talleyrand what efforts he wishes France to have made, which could any way have counterbalanced these and other advantages acknowledged by himself? Neither could the efforts of the old monarchical government of France, nor can the more violent energies of her present despotism, induce a commercial people to quit the most abundant and cheapest market, for one where they must purchase at a higher rate, and which, besides, has not wherewithal to supply their wants,

We are surprized at an error, equally gross and palpable, which Mr. Talleyrand has fallen into, when speaking of the long credit given by British merchants. He assumes as a truth, that they charge upon the commodities sold what reimburses them for the long credit

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they allow, without perceiving that, if this were the case, their market would be as dear as those of other nations; and that they would there fore lose the advantage of cheapness which they possess, which, with the abundance of their market, gives them that superiority he himself is obliged to acknowledge. It is, on the contrary, because they do not make this charge of reimbursement-from their very extensive dealings, which enable them to sell for less profit, and for the other reasons which the writer himself has enumerated, that their market is the cheapest, and their customers the most numerous. This is so gross an error in a writer, who appears so well acquainted with polilitical economy, that we can account for it in no other way, than that he has been led astray from his general and sound principles by what he actually sees going on in France. The French have, even in their official invectives, branded us with the appellation of pedlars, when, in fact, it is they themselves who are the pedlars, and we the respectable and noble-dealing merchants. Every Englishman who has been in France, must have been struck with the astonishing difference le felt in all mercantile transactions: Here there is a price nearly struck, at which the most ignorant may buy his commodities. There, each individual, without considering the general interests of trade, or the dictates of honesty, tries to sell dearer than his neighbour. In London, if a bookseller were found guilty of selling a book above the price fixed by the trade, his reputation would be blasted. The most ignorant stranger may purchase any modern book at the same price with the most knowing collector; but in Paris it is not so; there, the first booksellers will demand a higher price for a publication than what it is advertised at, will give you a thousand had reasons for their extrá demand, and, after all, perhaps sell you either an old, or imperfect edition. It is in great matters as in small we are merchants, and they mere pedlars. Talleyrand, with this strong impression before his eyes, forgot his principles, lost his way, and fell into a glaring economical

blunder.

But it is not only by commerce, and all its advantages, that America is more united to Britain than to France. Mr. Talleyrand has enumerated, though with regret, many other causes which contribute to that union of mind and interest. Their habits, their language, their laws, their religion, are all the same. These are strong ties, he says, and not to be counteracted by what he wishes had been impressed on the minds of the Americans, with regard to the assistance they received from the French.

"They" (the Americans) "must confess, that without the aid of France, they never would have succeeded in shaking off the yoke of England*; but, unhappily, they are of opinion that the aid of nations springs

* The Americans have no such conviction, nor is it true. The assistance of France, no doubt, produced a more speedy emancipation; but it must have, sooner or later, taken place without that assistance.

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not from attachment, but from political calculation. They go farther, and even say, that the old Government of France, at the very time that it made sacrifices in their favour, had their independence more than their liberty in view; and that, after having assisted them in their breach with England, it worked underhand to keep up a disunion, that they might feel themselves, though in a state of emancipation, without wisdom to conduct their affairs, and without ability to protect themselves."

This regret of Talleyrand is truly amusing; what a pity that the Americans should have had a little common sense, and not have swallowed the French professions, as the mob of Paris (the badauts de Paris), do the professions of their present despot. But he endea vours to insinuate to the Americans, that the old Government of France alone would be guilty of such flagrant doings; and that the present cosmopolite and benevolent Government, which has the universal happiness of mankind only in view, is occupied in very opposite projects. An extract from another part of the pamphlet will best explain the benevolent intentions of that Government. The author, having enumerated the various causes which attach America to Britain, observes, that time may obliterate some of them, "but, as to the others, they are so deeply rooted, that a French establishment in America would perhaps be necessary to wrestle with any prospect of success against their ascendancy. Such a political view is doubtless not to be neglected, but it belongs not to the object of the present Memoir.”— These few words say a great deal to the Americans-verbum sat. Nor should they make a less strong impression on the mind of every Briton. This is enough to evince that the object of France is to undo, by every means, the ties which bind America to Britain; or, in other words, to bring her under the domination of France: and the following note, which was inserted two years after the first publication of the Memoir, will shew with what perseverance Talleyrand adheres to his project. Having told us that when he read his Memoir, "all party, faction, and hatred had disappeared in America," (which, by the bye, is not true), he adds in a note, "if parties have arisen since, if there be one which labours shamefully to place America under the yoke of Great Britain, this would but too well confirm what I have established in my Memoir, that the Americans are still English; but every thing leads to believe that such a party will not triumph, that the wisdom of the French Government will blast all its hopes." What is this but a repetition of the threatened French establishment to wrestle with; and to overthrow the natural, and reciprocally beneficial connexion between England and America? Here, as in many other parts of his publication, the Minister of the Despot alone is seen-the philosophical and well-informed political economist totally disappears. How does this agree with what he elsewhere justly says of commerce? "The true principles of commerce hold forth to all nations mutual advantage, and invite them mutually to enrich themselves by the exchange of their productions, by free and amicable communications, and by the useful arts of peace."

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Instead of laying plans for the extension of their commercial intercourse by hostile establishments, he ought to have recommended industry to his countrymen: hence the articles for exportation would be multiplied, their riches, and, of course, their wants, increased; which would induce an increase of import trade; and thus make of them a commercial people, which they are at present far from being, both from their habits, and the nature of their government. True, the advice would be of no avail till a change take place in the government of France. Without freedom, and a certainty of enjoying the fruits of labour, the hand of industry is palsied: commerce avoids the shore where the scourge of tyranny, like the sword of Dionysius, hangs over the heads of the manufacturer, the husbandman, and the merchant.

Mr. Talleyrand, amidst his economical and political investigations, does not forget that he was a traveller in America; and his remarks on the American character are those of a discerning and superior mind. Among other things of the kind, he has given a description of the Back-settlers, and of the inhabitants who live by fishing; which he has laboured with much pains, and given to it all that point for which bis writings are distinguished. But every Frenchman must embroider; and there are touches which take from the fidelity of the portrait. The general features are sufficiently like, but it is in many respects rather a caricature than a faithful resemblance. We should have laid it before our readers; but, after the room we have already given to this pamphlet, we cannot insert an extract of such length. We shall only notice another economical error into which the writer has fallen in the conclusion of his delineation. "When some political writers maintained that fishing was a sort of agriculture, they said a thing apparently brilliant, but an untruth. All the qualities, all the virtues, attached to agriculture are wanting in the fisher. Agriculture produces patriots in the good sense of the word; fishing, only cosmopolites." Too much occupied with his descriptive powers, the writer has here forgotten his economical grammar. The sober economists never thought of saying brilliant things which are not true, though Mr. Talleyrand sometimes does. They say, and they say truly, that fishing is a species of agriculture, because it is a productive labour, and tends to increase the wealth of the community. If he will make them say what they never did say, that fishermen must, like husbandmen, be patriots in the good sense of the word, he must say on, and we must laugh.

The second Essay, "On the Advantages to be reaped from New Colonies in the present Circumstances," commences with the following reflections:

"Those who have considered the nature of the circumstances which unite the mother-country to the colonies; those who from causes can prognosticate political events, have long foreseen, that the colonies will one day separate themselves from the mother-country; and by a natural tendency, which the vices of the Europeans have but too much accele

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