" I shall only farther observe, my Lord, that had not this gentleman again, unasked, obtruded himself on the public; had he not commenced, by indiscriminately accusing men of very superior talents, of ambition, incapacity, and venal apostacy; had he not insulted and vilified His Ma jesty's Government, and depreciated every man of character and talents in the country; but, above all, had he not evinced his implacable batred for our glorious and immortal Constitution; I should have continued to pass over in silent contempt those Parisian scenes, to part of which I was a reluctant witness, and which left such an impression of consummate ini, quity upon my mind, that time will not easily erase. "Political apostacy, nay, even treasonable plots, may vanish from the mind; but he must either be inured to crimés, or insensible of the beauty of virtue, who can, without the liveliest indignation, coolly reflect on such intemperance and lewd blasphemies, such gross and disgusting infidelity and impiety! Were there, indeed, no other reason than that of in. fidelity, of an avowed disbelief in the sacred truths contained in the vo lume of Divine revelation, and an open aversion from the Author of the Christian religion, it should be sufficient to disqualify such a person, the same as Jews are disqualified for legislating among a Christian people *." Our author displays much good sense in his remarks on the necessary qualifications of a Legislator; and he contends, that the moral constitution of the English Parliament has of late years experienced a considerable change, by the preponderance of the commercial over the landed interest. This is a subject of too much importance to be discussed incidentally. The depression of the landed interest is, certainly, a very serious evil; nor do we think that it is by any means counterbalanced by the new proprietors of land, who are daily starting up out of the commercial world; for such proprietors are a very different race of beings from the old country gentlemen of this realm, who, with heartfelt grief we say it, have almost disappeared. Such of them as remain, borne down by the weight of taxes, and by the increased price of every article of necessity or of luxury, are unable to support that hospitality which is so natural to them; and, being compelled to change their course of life, gradually lose that respect which they were wont to command, and which is so justly, their due. Ou the other hand, the vast increase of commerce, and the very great portion of the national wealth which is embarked in it, render it necessary that it should acquire a proportionate share in an assembly which is, in fact, a representation of the property of the country.It is a very difficult matter to draw the line, beyond which it would "Si le jour de la Foi n'eclaire la raison, Notre goût deprave, tourne tout en poison: Bb 4 BREBEUR 4 be be desirable that neither of the two interests should pass; nor is it, indeed, very easy, in the present state of society, even to mark the distinction between the landed and the commercial interest. These interests are daily blending and harmonizing with each other; but still their union will not supply the place of our country gentlemen, properly so called. "Those men who are born under the uncontaminated influence of the British Constitution, nurtured in its true principles, educated at the purified fountains of Greek and Roman eloquence, possessed of the hereditary principles of English toleration and justice, and who alone are truly qualified to legislate for their Country, to disseminate the genuine principles of good old English liberty, and to transmit our Constitution and our laws unimpaired to posterity; such, unhappily, can now find no place in the Legislature of their Country; while, at a time of extraordinary peril, illiterate, and, I fear, unprincipled upstarts, possess themselves of seats, I lament to say it, only to assist their commercial speculations, or gratify their invidious vengeance against more fortunate, more virtuous, or more enlightened and ingenious men.” This is an evil which cannot, we fear, be cured but by the only species of reform, which our modern reformers never seek to promote-a reformation of the morals, manners, and minds of the electors. The author laments, with great reason, the pernicious effects of those speeches, and of those writings, in which the venerable institutions of our Country are vilified, and which tend materially to serve the cause of our foreign enemies. He contends, that but for the aid of such advocates, "not only the success, but the aspiring, and now ungovernable, ambition of Buonaparte, would never have attained their present importance, or 'ascendancy in Europe. Had not, indeed, the Usurper calculated, and, I fear, not altogether erroneously, on the popular support of his friends in this country, he would not have been so forward in violating the agreement at Amiens." He then proceeds to state a variety of facts upon which this conclusion is founded; and, among others, mentions the use which was made, by the Usurper, of the inflammatory harangues, and publications of the disaffected and seditious in this country, in persuading the ignorant and enslaved people on the Continent, of the truth of all the statements which they contained. "Among the most conspicuous of these garbled speeches, was that bearing the name of the Chevalier Burdett, and designed to prove that the more liberal and enlightened people of England eagerly wished for the arrival of the French. We declared war,' said the Chevalier, for the sake of Malta; but, if you were to ask me what we were at war for, I should be as much at a loss to answer you, as I was at any period during the late war. I have no hesitation in declaring, that, in the present situa tion of the country, I think it IMPOSSIBLE for an HONEST MAN to come forward, or to be JUSTIFIED in LENDING an ASSISTANT ARM in DEFENCE the Country ! " After -After the salutary ob ervations on government which Sir Francis heard from a gentleman, who for a time resided in Rue Vivienne in Paris, but whose name it would be imprudent to mention, I did not think it possible that he could have uttered such sentiments again, either in France or England. From that gentleman, the remembrance of whom may per. haps excite a blush, he learned some of those truths which Mr. Whitbread has more recently communicated to him.", Upon this last passage justice compels us to remark, that Mr. Whitbread was one of the last persons in the world to reproach Sir Francis Burdett for the violence of his political sentiments; for it is a fact, which cannot be denied, that on former elections, when the language of the Baronet was infinitely more violent and objectionable than it was during the late election, nay, even when he used the very language here so properly reprobated, Mr. Whitbread, and the whole herd of his political friends (Mr. Sheridan himself included! not only refrained from opposing him, but actually afforded him all the protec tion and support in their power. Indeed, we are ready to acknowledge, that in all that lately passed between Sir Francis on the one part, and Mr. Whitbread and Mr. Byng on the other, the Baronet had a decided advantage over his opponents. It would be easy to prove, by a reference to past transactions, that the very men who have recently reproved Sir Francis for his apostacy, were themselves the only apostates; and that, with all his errors, and all his faults, Sir Francis has not been guilty of inconsistency, or of dereliction of principle. The author considers the term JACOBINISM" as legitimate as that of Mahometanism;" and yet there are many who would persuade us that it is not a legitimate term, and that there are no persons now existing to whom it can with justice be applied. We heartily wish it were so; but, unhappily, we know that the persons who so think have egregiously deceived themselves. He expatiates on the profligacy of attempting to vilify the moral character of the junior branches of the Royal Family. To vilify any one is a criminal act, of which no honest man would be guilty; but it is certainly the duty of an honest man to deprecate immoral conduct, whether displayed by Princes or - by peasants; but on this subject we have fully explained our sentiments, in our review of the different answers to the pamphlet of Mr. Jefferys. We concur with our author in the utmost extent of his reasoning on the turpitude of a breach of confidence. "To betray the fiducia que sit rebus humanis must ever be an odious offence against society and held up to universal detestation in all countries and in all ages." For such an offence it will be difficult, indeed, to find any * "There have been of late several gross violations of private confidence, which, from whatever cause or motive, are sufficient to excite some alarm in the minds of the more, faithful and unsuspecting, especially in such times as the present.' person person so dead to the sentiments of honour, as to make an apology."A tale-bearer," said Solomon, "revealeth secrets, but he that is of a faithful spirit concealeth the matter." All this is perfectly true; but we cannot so fully agree with him in the application of his principle to Mr. Paull's Letter to Lord Folkestone. In the first place, it does not appear to us that the communications between the Prince of Wales and Mr. Paull were of such a coufidential nature as to render the pub. lication of them, under any circumstances, criminal, or even improper; and, in the next place, the provocation which Mr. Paull received, provided his statement of facts be accurate, was sufficient, we think, to justify their publication. The discussion of this point is the weakest part of the pamphlet. It certainly is not made evident, by any thing that has been published on the subject, that, when the Prince urged Mr. Paull to desist from the prosecution of his charges against Lord Wellesley, he had himself altered his opinion of that Nobleman; but, on the contrary, it appears manifest that His Royal Highness only desired his forbearance in consequence of an interview with Lord Grenville, who seems to have made that a kind of condi tion of the continuance of harmony between his own party and the Foxites; in a word, political expedience, and not public justice, was the cause of this sudden change of conduct. We shall not be suspected of partiality for Mr. Paull, or for his principles; but we will never suffer our prejudices to render us unjust to any inan. The author asserts, from "a pretty general field of observation and experience on the Continent," what we have frequently asserted ourselves, and what we know to be true, that most, if not all, of Buonaparte's victories "were neither won by his talents, nor his good fortune, but by gold." "It is a well ascertained fact, that Buonaparte, from the time of his acquiring the command of the French army in Italy, till the day he was proclaimed Consul à vie, never fought one battle without previously having bought the influence of some officer of the opposing army. Many instances of such facts, of the opening of negotiations with the enemy's soldiers, of the sums paid to them, &c. are on record, and well known both in Switzerland, Italy, and the South of Germany. More recent in stances of his address at bribing are still more generally known. These facts, my Lord, may appear somewhat irrelevant; but your Lordship will perhaps perceive their propriety, when applied to the duties of our Ministers delegated to Foreign Courts, and also the prudence and judgment necessary for the selection of persons properly qualified by their talents and virtues, for the now more than ever arduous offices of envoys or ambassadors." It were much to be wished that such prudence and judgment had been displayed in the course of the last summer; but it is a lamentable truth, that at no one period of our history has our Sovereign been so miserably represented at Foreign Courts, as he has been during the last nine months, and as he still continues to be. While men of great diplomatic diplomatic experience and talents are suffered to remain at home, others who possess neither, and who have, indeed, no one qualification for the office, are employed, at the most important epoch which Europe has witnessed for centuries. The author's farther reflections on this subject are entitled to notice. "I have ever conceived it an axiom, that it is morally impossible for an Englishman, of such a character, ever to betray his King and Country to the enemy. But that Minister, who resides at a Foreign Court, and suffers intrigues and briberies to escape his knowledge, at once evinces a highly culpable neglect of his duty, and a no less reprehensible ignorance of human nature. I speak generally, my Lord, as it is not my design to become a vulgar accuser; but I am not ignorant of instances when greater penetration into human character, and consequently greater prudence, would have been attended with important advantages to the gene. ral interests and character of the country. "It is, doubtless, unnecessary to mention more particulars on this point to your Lordship, who is already so well acquainted with such affairs; but the great consequences attached to it, and to the negotiation of future alliances and treaties, will, I hope, be a sufficient apology for my urging the necessity of negotiators possessing an accurate knowledge of the passions of men, and of their being minute observers of men's actions and principles, as well as being intimately acquainted with the political history and antiquities of those countries, in which they are appointed to execute the momentous office of representing their sovereign, and guarding the interests of their country. "The general ignorance, too, of English affairs, to which French oppression has succeeded in reducing the people on the Continent, has been another, and very successful means, of deluding and bribing the servants of all those governments in alliance with England. It would appear, indeed a very obvious duty in an English resident, to take every prudent measure to gratify the more enlightened part of the community in which he resided, with faithful translations of the histories of those military or naval actions which appear in the London Gazette. It would be equally advantageous, both to insure political fidelity and the interest of our manufactures, to present those soldiers, among our Aliies, who have evinced great valour and military skill, with some English swords and pistols, with suitable inscriptions, as honourable testimonies of their talents and bravery. "Your Lordship is perfectly acquainted with the influence of such presents on the minds of soldiers; but what rendered them almost indispensable to our national interest, was the number and value of Buonaparte's bribes, disguised in the manner best adapted to operate on the feelings.-Those, my Lord, who consider these things as trifling, know little of the real state and feelings of the people on the Continent. Whatever possesses external pomp, and addresses itself to their passions, will produce greater effects in an hour, than the most able appeal to their judgments even in a month. It is only in England, indeed, where men consider consequences, and prefer permanent to temporary enjoyments. We have seen that foreigners will sell their honour, their King, and their country, for |