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confide this sacred trust?—to whom will you confide the charge of leading the flower of our youth to the heights of Abraham? Will you find him in the person of an acquitted felon? What! then you were unwilling to vote an army where such men as have been named held high command! when Washington himself was at the headdid you then shew such reluctance, feel such scruples ; and are you now nothing loth, fearless of every consequence! Will you say that your provocations were less then than now? When your direct commerce was interdicted, your ambassadors hooted with derision from the French court-tribute demanded-actual war waged up

on you.

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Those who opposed the army then, were indeed denounced as the partizans of France; as the same men— some of them at least-are now held up as the advocates of England: those firm and undeviating republicans, who then dared, and now dare, to cling to the ark of the constitution, to defend it even at the expense of their fame, rather than surrender themselves to the wild projects of mad ambition. There was a fatality attending plenitude power. Soon or late, some mania seizes upon its possessors they fall from the dizzy height through the giddiness of their own heads. Like a vast estate, heaped up by the labour and industry of one man, which seldom survives the third generation. Power gained by patient assiduity, by a regular discharge of its attendant duties, soon gets above its own origin. Intoxicated with their own greatness the federal party fell. Will not the same causes produce the same effects now, as then? Sir, you may raise this army, you may build up this yast structure of patronage, this mighty apparatus of favoritism? but "lay not the flattering unction to your souls" -you will never live to enjoy the succession. You sign your political death warrant.

"Our coasts have been infested and our harbours watched by private armed vessels; some of them without commissions, some with illegal commissions, others with those of legal form, but committing acts beyond the authority of their commissions."

"They have captured in the very entrance of our harbours, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of

our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried them off under pretence of legal adjudication, but not daring to approach a court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way, or in obscure places where no evidence could arise against them; maltreated the crews, and abandoned them in the open sea, or on desert shores, without food or covering.

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Continuation of Mr. Randolph's Speech, on the second resolution reported by the committee of foreign relations.

THIS war of conquest, a war for the acquisition of territory and subjects, is to be a new commentary on the doctrine, that republics are destitute of ambition-they are addicted to peace, wedded to the happiness and safety of the great body of their people. But it seems this is to be a holiday campaign-there is to be no expence of blood or treasure, on our part-Canada is to conquer herself she is to be subdued by the principles of fraternity. The people of that country are first to be seduced from their allegiance, and converted into trajtors as preparatory to the making them good citizens. Although I must acknowledge that some of our flaming patriots were thus manufactured, I do not think the process will hold good with a whole community. It is a dangerous experiment. We were to succeed in the French mode by the system of fraternization-all is French!-but how dreadfully it may be retorted on the southern and western slaveholding states. I detest this subornation of treason-No-if I must have them, let them fall by the valor of our arms, by fair legitimate conquest; not become the victims of treacherous seduction.

I am not surprised at the war spirit which is manifesting itself in gentlemen from the south. In the year 1805-6, in a struggle for the carrying trade of belligerent colonial produce, this country has been most unwisely brought into collision with the great powers of Europe. By a series of most impolitic and ruinous measures, utterly incomprehensible to every rational so

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ber-minded man, the southern planters, by their own votes, had succeeded in knocking down the price of cotton to seven cents, and of tobacco (a few choice crops excepted) to nothing-and in raising the price of blankets (of which a few would not be amiss in a Canadian campaign,) coarse woollens, and every article of first necessity, three or four hundred per cent. And now that by our own acts we have brought ourselves into this unprecedented condition, we must get out of it in any way, but by an acknowledgment of our own want of wisdom and forecast. But is war the true remedy; who will profit by it? Speculators-a few lucky merchants, who draw prizes in the lottery-commissaries and contractors. Who must suffer by it? The people. It is their blood, their taxes, that must flow to support it.

But gentlemen avowed that they would not go to war for the carrying trade-that is, for any other but the direct export and import trade-that which carries our native products abroad, and brings back the return cargo, and yet they stickle for our commercial rights, and will go to war for them? I wish to know in point of principle, what difference gentlemen could point out between the abandonment of this or of that maritime right? Do gentlemen assume the lofty port and tone of chivalrous redressers of maritime wrongs, and declare their readiness to surrender every other maritime right, provided they may remain unmolested in the exercise of the humble privilege of carrying their own produce abroad, and bringing back a return cargo? Do you make this declaration to the enemy at the outset? Do you state the minimum with which you will be contented, and put it in her power to close with your proposals at her option; give her the basis of a treaty ruinous and disgraceful beyond example and expression? and this too after having turned up your noses in disdain at the treaties of Mr. Jay and Mr. Monroe! Will you say to England, "end the war when you please, give us the direct trade in our own produce, we are content." But what will the merchants of Salem, and Boston, and New-York, and Philadelphia, and Baltimore, the men of Marblehead and Cape Cod, say to this? will they join a war professing to have for

its object what they would consider (and justly too,) as the sacrifice of their maritime rights, yet affecting to be a war for the protection of commerce?

Continuation of Mr. Randolph's Speech, on the second resolution, reported by the committee of foreign relations.

to his war.

I AM gratified to find gentlemen acknowledging the demoralizing and destructive consequences of the nonimportation law-confessing the truth of all that its opponents foretold when it was enacted-and will you plunge yourselves in war, because you have passed a foolish and ruinous law, and are ashamed to repeal it?" But our good friend the French emperor stands in the way of its repeal," and as we cannot go too far in making sacrifices to him, who has given such demonstration of his love for the Americans, we must, in point of fact, become parties "Who can be so cruel as to refuse him this favour?"His imagination shrunk from the miseries of such a connection. I call upon the house to reflect whether they are not about to abandon all reclamation for the unparalleled outrages "insults and injuries" of the French government-to give up our claim for plundered millions, and ask what reparation or atonement they can expect to obtain in hours of future dalliance, after they shall have made a tender of their persons to this great deflowerer of the virginity of republics. We have by our own wise (I will not say wise-acre) measures, so encreased the trade and wealth of Montreal and Quebec, that at last we begin to cast a wistful eye at Canada. Having done so much towards its improvement by the exercise of " our restrictive energies," we begin to think the labourer worthy of his hire, and to put in claim for our portion. Suppose it ours-are we any nearer to our point? As his minister said to the king of Epirus 66 may we not as well take our bottle of wine before as after this exploit?" Go! march to Canada?-leave the broad bosom of the Chesapeake and her hundred tributary rivers-the whole line of sea-coast from

Machias to St. Mary's, unprotected:-You have taken Quebec-Have you conquered England? Will you seek for the deep foundations of her power in the frozen desarts of Labrador?

"Her march is on the mountain wave, "Her home is on the deep!"

Will you call upon her to leave your ports and harbors untouched, only just till you can return from Canada to defend them? The coast is to be left defenceless, whilst men of the interior are revelling in conquest and spoil. But grant for a moment, for mere argument's sake, that in Canada you touched the sinews of her strength, instead of removing a clog upon her resources-an incumbrance, but one, which, from a spirit of honor, she will vigorously defend. In what situation would you then place some of the best men of the nation? As Chatham and Burke, and the whole band of her patriots prayed for her defeat in 1776, so must some of the truest friends to their country deprecate the success of our arms against the only power that holds in check the arch-enemy of mankind.

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The committee have outstripped the executive. designating the power against whom this force was to be employed; as has most unadvisedly been done in the preamble or manifesto with which the resolutions are prefaced; they have not consulted the views of the executive-that designation was equivalent to an abandonment of all our claims on the French government. No sooner was the report laid on the table, than the vultures were flocking round their prey, the carcase of a great military establishment-men of tainted reputation, of broken fortune (if they ever had any) and of battered constitutions, "choice spirits, tired of the dull pursuits of civil life" were seeking after agencies and commissions; willing to doze in gross stupidity over the public fire; to light the public candle at both ends. Honorable men undoubtedly there were, ready to serve their country, but what man of spirit or self-respect would accept a commission in the present army?

The gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Grundy) addressed himself yesterday, exclusively to the "republicans of the house." I know not whether I may con

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