6

justly insinuated, not only that the public expe-fwas so well that Dr. Davy was able to leave him riments were .carelessly made and very soon at Ravenna, in order to return to his professional relinquished, but that they were carried on .by duties at Corfu. Quitting Ravenna about the persons not sincerely interested in their success.' middle of April, Sir Humphry travelled into the But even, though the failure of the protectors eastern Alps to avoid the increasing heat of Italy. had been an absolute one, and admitted even by The tardiness, however, of his recovery, and the the inventor, the tribute of applause which was conviction that absolute repose was necessary every where offered to the scientific discovery, to his health, induced him to write to Mr. Davies might and would have solaced him for his disap- Gilbert from Salzburg, resigning the Presidency pointment. Secret enemies, however, and the of the Royal Society, and requesting his name hewers of the wood, and the drawers of the to be retained in the next council. But though water of science attacked the author and his in- his mind was now relieved of all his public duvention, under the ambush of the periodical ties, his health rather declined than improved; press. Uniting malignity with sarcasm, they and he therefore resolved to return to England, denied even its novelty; and what was less ea- which he reached on the 6th October, 1827. sily borne by a generous mind, men whose sta- Although his health had suffered no great tions implied a regard for character and a love change after his return, yet he was able to finish of knowledge, seemed to rejoice in the humilia- an interesting volume, entitled Salmonia, or days tion of a public benefactor. At such a crisis any of Flyfishing and also a paper in the Philosophiother Government than ours would have stepped cal Transactions on the phenomena of Volcanoes. forward to soothe and to honour an illustrious Experiencing, however, no improvement in his servant; but no generous deed could originate health, he resolved, with the consent of his phyamid the canker of faction and the taint of poli-sicians, to make another trial of a continental tical corruption.

summer; and he accordingly left England, never The health of Sir H. Davy was doubtless af- to return, on the 29th March, accompanied by fected by this ingratitude of his country. 'A Dr. Tobin, the eldest son of his early friend, Mr. mind,' says he in a letter to Mr. Children, of Tobin. After trying the warm salt baths of much sensibility might be disgusted, and one Ischl, he went from Labach to Trieste to perform might be induced to say, Why should I labour some experiments on the Torpedo, which he had for public objects merely to meet abuse? I am long meditated; and the paper in which he pubirritated by them more than I ought to be; but lished an account of them in the Philosophical I am getting wiser every day-recollecting Gali- Transactions,' was his forty-sixth and last comleo, and the times when philosophers and public munication to the Royal Society. On the 18th benefactors were burnt for their services.' November he arrived at Rome. In January 1827,

Early in 1825, Sir Humphry had begun to he received accounts of the death of Dr. Wollascomplain of loss of strength; and in the winter ton; and on the 1st of February he completed and spring of 1826, he was unable to walk with the MSS. of his posthumous work, entitled Conout fatigue. On his return to London from the solations in Travel.' country, his indisposition increased, and his du- On the 20th February, without any previous ties at the anniversary of the Royal Society ex-warning, he experienced a severe attack of parhausted him so much that his friends were ap-alysis, which finally proved fatal. On the 230 prehensive of an apoplectic attack, and he was he dictated a letter to Dr.Davy at Malta, requestunable to attend the usual public dinner. A ing his immediate presence, and another on numbness in his hand and arm-an inordinate the 25th which was the only one that reached action of his heart, and weakness in the right its destination. Dr. Davy arrived in Rome on leg, had previously indicated the approach of the 16th of March. The moment Lady Davy that terrible disease; but his own inclinations, heard of this first attack she quitted London, and and the rash advice of some of his numerous ad- reached Rome in little more than twelve days; visers, had led him to attribute his illness to and Sir Humphry had thus the satisfaction of other causes, and to adopt a strengthening, ra- spending his last days under the affectionate ther than an abstemious regimen. In the month cares of those who were most dear to him. Lady of December, 1826, Dr. Davy, who was called Davy had brought with her the second edition suddenly to London, found his brother under a of the • Salmonia,' which he hegan to read with paralytic attack affecting his right side. The fi- great pleasure, and in a few days he was able to culties of his mind, fortunately, were not im- go out in a carriage. Heeren had strength to wit. paired. He was able to correct the proof sheets ness the splendid illumination of St. Peter's on of his • Discourses to the Royal Society,' and he the night of Easter Monday. On the 30th April had so far recovered, that he was able, on the he quitted Rome for the cooler climate of Geneva. 220 January, 1827, to set off with Dr. Davy on Lady Davy, with that kindness and self-devo. a journey to Italy; in the hopes that change of tion which will ever do bonour to her affections, air and of scene, gentle exercise, and an escape went before him in order to make arrangements from the discussions which had already begun at each stage for his comfortable reception; and to disturb the peace of the Royal Society, might on the 28th of May, Sir Humphry found apartrestore him to his wonted health.

ments prepared for him at the Hotel de la Cour. These expectations were only to a certain ex- onne at Geneva. After reclining on the sofa, he oc. tent fulfilled. In the month of March he had casionally walked to the window, and expressed gradually recovered the use of his limbs, and a longing desire to throw a fly into his favourite

custoin.

Rhone. Lady Davy soon after communicated carried off by a premature death ;-all of them to him the death of Dr. Thomas Young, which died without issue;—and all of them have been affected him to tears, but in a short time he allowed to moulder in their tombs without any recovered his wonted composure. This was the monumental tribute from a grateful country. last day of Sir Humphry Davy; and we must It is not for the honour of the dead, or to gra. leave the interesting though sad description of tify the vanity of their friends, that we crave a it to his affectionate brother.

becoming memorial from the sympathies of an

intellectual community. It is that the living may * At five o'clock he dined at table, and made a tolerable dinner. After dinner he was read to, according to his lay it to heart—that the pure flame of virtue may

be kindled in the breasts of our youth,—and At nine o'clock he prepared to go to bed. In undressing, he struck his elbow against the projecting arm crushed obelisk and the crumbling statue, that

that our children may learn from the timeof the sofa on which he sat. The effect was very extra

the genius of their fathers will survive even the ordinary: he was suddenly seized with a universal tremor;

massive granite and the perennial brass. 'he experienced an intense pain in the part struck, and a

Concurring in the fine sentiment expressed by sensation, he said, as if he were dying. He was got into bed as soon us possible. The painful sensations quickly sub. Mr. Babbage, that in the recent biography of sided, and in a few minutes were entirely gone. There illustrious men we can read only their cloges, was no mark of hurt on the elbow, no pain or remaining character of Sir Humphry Davy. While the

we shall abstain from any attempt to draw the tenderness; and the effect of the blow perplexed him no less than it did mo. A slight feverish feeling followed,

failings of great men are still remembered within which he thought little of; he took an anodyne draught from the impartiality of history some fidelity in

the sphere of their influence, truth demands of the acetate of morphine, and then desired to be read to her delineations. The biographer who paints that his mind might be composed to sleep by agreeable the endeared image on which his imagination inages.

dwells, loses the individuality of truth amid • About half past nine he wished to be left alone, and 1 cherished and exaggerated virtues. The impartook my leave of him for the night, and for ever on earth.tial judge, and even the sincere admirer, are His servant, who always slept in his room, called me about thus summoned to a controversy of false posihalf-past two, saying he was taken very ill. I went to him tions, in which genius finds its best vindication immediately. He was then in a state of insensibility, his in the acknowledgement of its mortality. The respiration extremely slow and convulsive, and the pulse im- premature apotheosis of a glorious name may perceptible. He was dying; and in a few minutes he ex-jindeed soothe affliction and dazzle ignorance; pired. I thank God, I was present to close his eyes! In but it is only in the deep lines, and on the dark death his countenance was composed and of its mildest er foreground of truth, that the bright spirit can pression, indicative of no pain or suffering in the sepera- rise with unextinguishable lustre. tion of the immortal from the mortal part. This fatal moment was about three a. M., on the 29th of May.' The Generese Government evinced, by a pub

From the Edinburgh Review lic funeral, the high respect which they felt for

AMERICAN SLAVERY. so great a man. The Council of State, the An Affectionate Expostulation with Christians in Clergy, the Society of Arts, the Physical Socie

the United States of America because of the ty, the Students of the Academy, the English continuance of Negro Slarery throughout many residents, and the citizens of Geneva attended districts of their Country. Addressed in the the funeral on the 1st of June; and the body was

Minister, Deacons, and Members of the Con deposited in the City burying ground of Plain Palius, close to the grave of Professor Pietet.

gregational Church, formed by the CongregaLady Davy erected a simple obelisk over the

tion assembling in Mill Street Chapel, Perth.

Pp. 8. 12 mo. Glasgow: 1836. grare, and at her desire a small tablet was placed in Westminister Abbey, to give a local habita

We have prefixed the title of this tract to the tion to his name.

present article for two reasons–First, it is an So widely extended was the reputation of Sir nothing to be regretted except the irarruracy

eloquent and well-timed address, and leares Humphry Davy, that he was an honorary or cor- with which some facts are stated as the numresponding member of almost all the scientific ber of slares in America assumed to be three institutions in the world. He was one of the millions when they are a little more than two:) eight foreign associates of the Institute of France: and the haste with which other facts are gene and he received all the honorary medals given ralized so as to make the misteeds of one or by the Royal society of London, beside the Gal- two states seem the general abuse of luiskative vanic prize founded by Napoleon.

power all orer the Union. But, saoudly, its It is a remarkable event in the history of sci- title is peculiarly consonant to our ideas of the ence, that in 1929, in one year, England should semper in which this important subject should have lost Wollaston, Young, and Dary: three be approached Bitter attacks upon a whole of the most distinguished characters that ever people are not the best way of weaning then adorned the contemporaneous annals of our tron their pren liees; errestuatien. Kirud'y country. All of them have been foreign asso though warm and urgent, gives us a much better ciates of the Institute of France ;-al of the secretaries to the Royal Society ;-all of them * De Paris has made the same eemplazat. with these for were national benedictors;-all of them were eible eloquence which is displayed in every part of des Tors.

W

chance of success, beside being more becoming facts; because, although włat has been just now in itself.

stated is true, it is by no means the whole truth; The subject is momentous; it naturally excites and because there are some other particulars great interest in this country as well as in Ame- admitted on all hands, which should be adverted rica ; and we wish to join in these expostulations to, beside those which apply to the foregoing for this, among other reasons, that as our opinion statement. has upon all occasions been strongly pronounced That the colonies did, in the earlier periods of in favour of the rights, the institutions, and the their history, protest against the Slave Trade, character of our Transatlantic brethren, so they and show the desire which they really felt not to can never ascribe the course which we are now have negro slaves, may in some degree be true. pursuing to any of those hostile feelings, long But it is plain that this aversion did not long prevalent,—we fear still prevalent, among the continue among them, at least among those of illiberal party in this country. On the contrary, the South. Their unwillingness to relinquish if we have a wish more anxious than another, that traffic is the only reason that can be assigned next to the desire of seeing negro slavery abo- for the restriction which the constitution of 1787 lished, it is that we should be furnished by the imposed upon Congress; they were apprehenAmericans themselves with a triumphant answer sive that the States which had no slaves, and to the invectives now pouring forth against them, those which had but a few, would combine and by the party which hates freedom, and even carry the Abolition; to preserve unanimity, dreads improvement, and which we may term accordingly, the proviso was inserted in the fifth their adversary as well as our own. There is article, which lays down the course to be taken nothing from which those enemies of popular for changing the fundamental laws of the Union. rights derive more satisfaction than the pros- Two-thirds of both the Houses of Congress conpect of the American Government and nation, curring—or the legislatures of two-thirds of the losing their favour in the sight of the English States concurring, -may propound any change, people through the unfortunate continuance of and it shall be valid when ratified by the legislathe slave system in the United States. tures of three-fourths of the States; but the pro

We shall begin by stating the facts of the case- viso excepts the abolition of the Slave Trade such of them at least as are necessary, in order from the operation of this article during twenty to comprehend its precise merits. Let us see years. For, no amendment made before 1808, then what the Americans say: By the constitu- " is in any manner to affect the part of the ninth tion of the Union, framed in 1787, the question section of Article I., which declares that Conof emancipating the slaves is not subject to the gress shall not, prior to 1808, “prohibit the milegislative authority of the Congress-each State gration or importation of such persons as any may continue or abolish slavery at its pleasure. of the States shall think proper to admit, nor Four States, comprising about a fourth of the impose any tax on such importation exceeding population, have already abolished it. The same ten dollars for each person. And here we may constitution excluded the Congress from all in- remark, in passing, that the very language used terference with the slave trade, as well as with to describe the Slave Trade without naming it slavery, but not perpetually; the restriction was (as indeed throughout this celebrated instrument to expire in twenty years; and a law was ac- care is taken to avoid mentioning slavery or cordingly made abolishing that execrable traffic slaves by name) shows how much there was of in 1808, as early as the constitution permitted compromise between the States holding such such a proceeding. Moreover, the curse and the property, and those who held it not. The same crime of slavery was entajled with the Slave circumstance evinces the feeling of repugnance, Trade upon the American colonists by the mother perhaps of shame, with which the illustrious country; her commercial interests were deemed founders of the Republic viewed the position to require it; and the Americans remonstrated they found themselves placed in,-of establishin many instances, but vainly, against it. Even ing a system to secure political liberty while they the last founded of the colonies, Georgia, as late had no power to extirpate personal bondage. as the reign of George II. was compelled, in the It must next be observed, that although the face of repeated petitions, backed by the strenu- Americans deserve great praise for having been ous exertions of its governor and council, to the first to abolish the African Slave Trade, admit the importation of slaves; and his dismis- which they did as soon as the restriction iust sal is understood to have originated in the part now commented upon ceased, making it afterhe took with the planters. From hence two wards piracy,-yet they have never applied any inferences are drawn:-First, That it ill becomes remedy to an evil almost as great, and of nearly us, the people of England, to complain of the the same kind, wbich still exists in its full force Americans for refusing to terminate a state of among them, we mean the Internal Slave Trade. things which we forced upon them.-Serondly, There is no law, either local or general, to preThat there exists no power in the American peo- vent the traffic in slaves between one State and ple at large to do what we consider to be their another; and accordingly those unhappy beings duty; inasmuch as they have not the power by are constantly torn from the places of their birth, law, unless the individual states concur, and severed from their families and friends, and these from local interests, real or supposed, are doomed to clear the forests of the new settlesure not to consent.

ments, under all the sufferings from disease and Before dealing with these propositions, it is from toil which are inseparably connected with necessary that we should add the residue of the such operations. That the local legislatures

should have made no provisions for prohibiting whites is in Louisiana, where there are nearly this grievous enormity may not surprise us. But five of the former to one of the latter. it is difficult to perceive why Congress should Let us now, the facts being stated, recur to not have interposed. We have heard it denied the two propositions deduced by the Americans that the power exists; but there seems no un- from their representation of the case. derstanding the third clause of section eighth, of 1. As to the right which the people of this the first Article, if does not. Congress shall country have to inveigh against them, we own have power, says that clause, “to regulate com- this appears to us a matter of very subordinate merce with foreign nations, and among the importance. We will admit that England has no several States, and with the Indian tribes.' such right; and we will go further, and grant Moreover, the first clause of the ninth section that our right is barred, not so much by the alalready referred to, seems to prove the same ledged fact of the slave system having been thing; for that only restricts Congress from pro- forced upon our Transatlantic brethren, as by hibiting migration or importation of persons our own conduct in reference to other parts of into any of the States, until the year 1808. Indeed the same great question. We ourselves never the different States appear to be themselves pro-abolished even the detestable Slave Trade for hibited by the next or tenth section; the second almost a quarter of a century after it had been clause of which prevents them from laying on denounced by the pious and enlightened labours duties or imposts on exports or imports without of Clarkson, and twenty years after it had been the consent of Congress.' At all events, we may dragged before the legislature, and thoroughly assuredly take this to be a question by no means exposed to the view of mankind by the fervent clear, against the authority of Congress; and eloquence, and the indomitable zeal ol Wilberthere seems no intelligible reason for Congress force. Nay, another quarter of a century elapsnot so far raising it, as to show the Southern ed, after the abolition of the traffic, before we States that the great majority of both Houses passed the law for extinguishing, and but slowly regard the Internal Slave Trade with abhor-extinguishing, slavery itself. This law, too, was rence.

passed, like the Abolition acts, not by those who As to the credit claimed for the abolition of live in the midst of slaves, like the Americans, slavery by four out of the fifteen slaveholding but by law givers whom the Atlantic separated states—without at all desiring to detract from from their nearest servile colony. The Ameriit, we must observe, that little or no comfort is cans have, we admit, some right to deride the derived from this source hy those who are de- pharisaical strains of those among us who look sired to expect general emancipation at the down upon them, thankful that we are not as hands of the local legislatures. For only see the men of the Carolinas are. They may well how small a sacrifice the four states made! By taunt us, and ask how near we should be to the the last enumeration, taken six years ago, their Emancipation, perhaps even to the Abolition slave population was 6,000, and their free popu- acts, if half the population of Middlesex were lation 3,658,000; of which all but 117,000 were negro slaves, and the Parliament had been giswhites. One of them, New York, had only 75 ing laws to Ireland and not to Jamaica! All this slaves, and Pennsylvania but 403. If the labours we may safely grant, and it all proves exactly of the Anti-Slavery Societies, after many years nothing in the question ; except, which is really of enlightened and benevolent exertion, were very immaterial, that a different tone might have with difficulty able to accomplish this salutary been more becoming than the one sometimes change, even in States where there existed but taken in discussng it. Nay, these topics, if more one slave to 3,000, and one slave to more than closely examined, prove even less; for they are 20,000 of the whole people-how much more hard in the nature of the argumentum ad homines; will it be, and how much longer time will it take and they assume that the same parties who now to prevail with the legislature in Louisiana, where complain of American slaveholders and slavery, there are considerably more slaves than free defended the traffic and the servitude of the Bo people, and in South Carolina, where there are tish colonies. But the very reverse is the fact

considerably more than four slaves to three that Whoever now condemns the conduct of the 1 free! We own that our hearts sink within American Congress, or of the Southern States mun.

--- regard this dismal prospect; and would have condemned as strongly the legis 1824; that the continued discussion

own country for maintainins. his enqu. aountry and in e

y vears of crime and suffer the Bakeria

vourite of that legisla cal and chen

med the greates! the Royal Socie medals founded by

Te fetters But though Sir He in theory; though ali ingenuity of his inventio, regarded the principle as his discoveries, it was the source of extreme tification. At an early Knowles and others rendering the copper

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the fortune to be placed in circumstances which Government of the United States is formed; for, enable him to show the sincerity and the purity it is said, if once the negroes are set free, they of his principles, by assenting

to the sacrifice of his must enjoy all the rights of citizens; and the =interests, and encountering peril in his person, prejudices are so inveterate against any amal

he has the same right to express his opinion of gamation of the races, that no law could overto those who cling to the crime of the slave system, come them. If by amalgamation be meant, as - that all of us assume, in judging of other men's in this question it frequently is, mixture by mar

conduct, under temptations to which we have not riage, we can easily believe in the strength of been ourselves exposed. While, then, we grant the prejudice; but then, that has nothing whatthat the example of the English legislature ought ever to do with even the most perfect equality

not to be cited in disparagement of the Ameri- of civil rights. Any other prejudice is in all proi can; and while we freely allow that the great bability the creature rather of the civil institu

diversity of their circumstances, and our own, tion (as it has with more courtesy than correct- ought to restrain all violent and contemptuous ness been called) of slavery; and would cease

expressions on our part, we cannot for an in- with its existence. But there is no occasion of stant admit that the body of the argument is going so far as this, Surely the Legislature, the affected by a reference to the conduct of this supreme power in the States, when it undertook country; or the different position in which the to deal with the subject of slavery, could choose law givers of the Old and the New World are its own course; and either give an absolute or

placed, with respect to the subject matter of the a qualified emancipation, as easily as all admit od: controversy. It must always be recollected, that it could bestow freedom, either at once, or by a le there was to the full as much indignation felt slow process of liberation. What disheartens ofa: and expressed in England, against the legisla- men upon this subject, and above all, what distra tures of the West India colonies, as that of courages those who have ever been and who ng, which the Americans now complain; and yet still are, the zealous friends of the Americans, is Th the situation of those bodies was far more criti- to see so little disposition evinced on their part s, cal, in regard to this question, than that even of to beginning the good work. If the question

the Assemblies of Louisiana and South Carolina. were ever entertained; if any inclination to Alla The disproportion of blacks to whites, in some bring it forward in the Legislature were per

of our islands, exceeded twenty-five and even ceived :-the hopes of philanthropists in this right thirty to one; in hardly any was it less than six country would be raised, and their impatience

or seven to one. Yet the people of this country assuaged-while they who hate America beali were all but unanimous in requiring those colo- cause she is free, would be disheartened in their

nies to provide for the gradual liberation of their turn. The project of deliberating on the subject slaves; and the voice of the whole civilized world in secret, of which somewhat has of late been has sanctioned the call.

heard, must be admitted to have very little ten2. The want of power in the Congress is the dency to allay the apprehensions of those who other topic so much relied on. This assumes that are the most solicitous for the credit of our the individual States cannot be expected to pur- Transatlantic brethren. It is manifestly impos

sue, of themselves, the course which every consible that there should arise any danger whatall sideration of duty, and every view of sound ever from the fullest discussion of the question, pop

policy, plainly point out. But as long as the in a country where the slaves only in one or Congress makes no attempt to put down the two provinces form the majority ; when expeSlave Trade, that is, the traffic in slaves from rience has proved the futility of such apprehenState to State, no one can entirely believe that sions in the colonies where they universally are it is want of power alone which prevents some in an overwhelming superiority to the whites. progress being made towards Emancipation. If But assuredly if the promulgation of the debates that dreadful scourge of the negro race were at would be attended with risk, closing the doors an end, beside the incalculable improvement di- is likely to be a far more perilous experiment; rectly gained to their condition, the best pros- since it assumes that the slaves are both knowpect would be afforded of bringing about a ing enough to interest themselves in the discuschange in the public mind upon the question of sion, and strong enough to take their own part. emancipation in the Slave States. Those who The popular feeling is represented as unfadefend the conduct of the Americans the most vourable to the question in the most parts of the nuously, look forward to the complete culti-Union. But this, at least in the Northern and Midftheiz territories, and their being fully dle States, has certainly been in a great degree

es from the old States, as the owing to the injudicious tone of some among its ve system may be expected, zealous friends; and not a little to the dislike of to be abandoned to its fate. foreign interference. The best of possible intennity and justice in the tions has dictated the conduct of the individuals suffer the Slave to whom we allude. But it is more than doubt

ms, to con- ful if this is a subject on which the Americans can of time it be expected to take from us, what we should, es a natu- in the like circumstances, certainly not be very ent upon ready to endure from them. The desire of equal

rights was very prevalent among the Dissenters ed to, of of this country, both Protestant and Catholic, hich the before the great triumph of religious liberty in

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