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democratic garden; the wilder the scheme the more the officials, the less freedom for everybody, and the greater the rejoicing on the part of the demagogues. Mr Lloyd George and those of his kidney look upon unpaid freely given services as one of the great barriers still existing between the world as it is and the world as they would have it; between 8 world which, for all its countless injustices and inequalities, at least provides a reasonably happy life for the great majority of human beings, and the world of their imaginings, which is to be a place of enforced monotony and mediocrity unspeakable.

I am not going to claim that I work every day and all day. I hunt a little, shoot a little, fish a little; but cannot agree that I am despoiling the poor by so doing. If I gave up hunting, and bestowed in urban alms the two or three hundred pounds a-year which I spend on my horses, and if many others followed my example, there would but be a robbing of Peter to pay Paul. Some folk would gain, others lose. The farmer whose oats I buy, or who breeds a likely young one now and again (which may make a charger or an M.I. cob, even if it does not turn out a hunter), is he less worthy of consideration than the docklabourer or the bricklayer? So, too, with shooting, which brings in a good many extra half-crowns to the labourer's cottage in the course of the season, though I am not at

pains to defend the upbringing of inordinate quantities of tame pheasants.

One must feel that the present is a singularly ungracious time for Mr Lloyd George to have chosen for such an attack. One of the main efforts of the Government to which he belongs-at times one would imagine it belonged to him-has been to provide the country with a Territorial army. Now in many ways, in most ways, the Territorial army is proving a considerable success, and is, in any case,

an enormous advance on the old Volunteer system.

This result has been obtained almost entirely by the untiring labours of the men whom the Chancellor is never tired of attacking. But for the much - abused "county magnates" the whole scheme would have fallen still-born to the ground. It speaks volumes for the good sense and patriotism of these gentlemen that, although the great majority of them are Conservatives, they nevertheless accepted the plans of a Liberal Secretary of State, and have done and are doing their very best, in the face of every conceivable difficulty, to carry them into effect,-bespattered all the time with the Chancellor's choicest Billingsgate.

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they get more fun for their difficulty by only having one money here than in their own or any other country. things are made unpleasant for them they will stay away, and the stream of dollars which filters through the Highlands will dry up. That will not be to anybody's great advantage.

To sum up, there is no evidence anywhere to prove that there is in this country any considerable number of idle rich men. The well-born and well-to-do classes, as a general rule, are fully aware of the responsibilities of their position,

The truth is that in a and do their best to fulfil country where the right of them. The Chancellor of the the first - born is so firmly Exchequer, by the accident of established you cannot in the birth, is incapable of undernature of things get any very standing any class but his great number of idle men. own, which is a small one; The younger sons even of the and has entirely forgotten the most bloated plutocrat are heaven - made law, that an nearly always obliged to work; idle man is never happy, and the eldest son is seldom con- the man-made law, that the tent to wait till he steps into younger sons must earn their his father's shoes. The system bread. His tongue is venomis one which cannot be de- ous, and he is willing enough fended logically, and did not to wound; but so long as he survive the Revolution in labours under foolish delusions, France; but it is a good one, which cloud his intelligence and in this country has worked and obscure his reason, he splendidly. The Empire has may indeed be the cause of been created by younger sons, much mischief, but never, I while the first-born has stayed hope and believe, of any very at home to look after the serious injury to the body family business, whether it be politic. He may, he does, selling tea or owning land. I sometimes deceive many of the should say that Paris, for its people, but now and again he size, contains a far greater is sure to be found out, and will number of gilded loafers than never be able to fool all the London, as all the sons share people all the time. It takes alike; though of course it must a Napoleon to do that, and Mr be remembered that most Lloyd George is no NapoleonFrench parents get over the only Cleon Redivivus.

HUGH OAKELEY ARNOLD-FORSTER.

IT is generally held that a man's life and character are the result of heredity and environment, and in both respects the subject of this memoir was singularly favoured. To his parentage may be traced his exceptional ability, with that sterling character which his wife1 convincingly shows him to have possessed, and to his early environment that strong sense of duty, that patriotism, and that tenacity of purpose which raised him-though his own personal advancement was never his aim to the high position and responsibilities of a Secretary of State. He was grandson of Dr Arnold, the great headmaster of Rugby, of whom it was truly said that he was not so much a schoolmaster as a prophet among schoolmasters, a man whose life and example gave new vitality to education and new spirit to our public schools. He was the nephew of Matthew Arnold, poet, philosopher, and critic. He was the son of William Delafield Arnold, soldier and thinker, who in his early youth was selected by John Lawrence to be the first Director of Public Instruction in the Punjaub.

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Three years after the birth of her son Hugh, his mother died, and a year later his father died at Gibraltar on his way home. The orphaned Hugh

and his brother and two sisters found, from the time of their arrival in England, a home at Wharfeside in Yorkshire, with their father's sister Jane and her husband William Forster, who became father and mother to them, and brought them up in an atmosphere not only of the tenderest love and care, but of domestic peace, simplicity, and earnest work. This is how an American writer speaks of that Yorkshire home:

"What a vision it is for my memory that pretty house at Wharfeside where I first came to know William and Jane Forster. Never was there a closer intellectual com

panionship than theirs; each, as it were, supplementing the other; his rugged strength, his quick mind, his wide knowledge of books, of men, and affairs. Her keen intelligence, dignity, her tenderness of feeling." her grace of manner, her sweet

Wordsworth said of her that in all that went to make up excellence in woman he thought Jane Arnold was the finest example he knew. It was from her that Matthew Arnold cared most for approval of his poems or his political essays.

The name of William Forster stands so high on the roll of the nation's honoured sons, that it is scarcely necessary to recall his grand if rugged character, "thoroughly genuine and independent," as Gladstone called it. Earnest worker for the protection of native races,

The Right Honourable Hugh Oakeley Arnold-Forster. A Memoir, by his Wife. London: Edward Arnold.

1910.

were to him from the first, and whose name he now added to his own, becoming "ArnoldForster." Yet Oxford was a congenial atmosphere to him; his work in the History Schools fitted in with the bent towards the study of political and social questions which he had already developed; and Ruskin's influence helped to sustain a high standard of ideals.

true friend of the working man, author of the first Education Act, staunch believer in a great future federation of the Empire, a strong Liberal by heredity and by conviction, in turn Under Secretary for the Colonies, Minister of Education, Chief Secretary for Ireland, he was too honest to serve on when he thought his party's leader was betraying the country's cause. Mrs ArnoldForster thinks that his name will be most clearly remembered in connection with his Education Bill of 1870. We think it will be even better in practice; but the call remembered by his courage in the stormy years in Ireland which preceded the "Kilmainham Treaty," and his resigning office in 1882 rather than agree to his chief's unconditional surrender to the breakers of the law.

Such were they who moulded in his early years the character of one already fitted by heredity to receive and assimilate their teaching, and in every stage of this book, and in every act and phase of the life of its subject, we can trace their influence. It was not from his first school, John Penrose's at Exmouth, nor from Rugby, whence he was removed by Mr Forster when Dr Hayman succeeded Dr Temple, nor from the tutor with whom he subsequently worked, nor yet from Oxford, where he took a firstclass degree in modern history, that he derived his real education. It was from the home training and example of his "father and "mother," as William Forster and his wife

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After leaving Oxford he read for the Bar, working in chambers and obtaining sufficient briefs to convince him that he could succeed

to political life was strong
upon him, and when in 1880
his "father"
"father" became Chief
Secretary for Ireland, he com-
menced official
life as his
Private Secretary. The two
years which followed made an
indelible impression on his
mind. He saw his father, to
whom he was deeply devoted,
threatened and attacked, his
life in constant danger. Even
his mother was not spared the
receipt of threatening letters.
He saw the suffering inflicted
on men and women by the
cruel and calculating political
tyranny of the Land League.
The question of prolonging the
existing Coercion Act was be-
fore the Government; they
decided against its prolonga-
tion. Mr Forster, fighting the
Land League through the
ordinary law alone, asked for
exceptional powers to suppress
crime. The Government re-
fused his request. Juries re-
fused to convict criminals.
The cruel practice of boycotting
grew up. Moonlighting out-

rages, incendiary fires, cattlemaiming, assassinations, increased in number. Mr Forster, striving with all his heart to discover and remove the causes of these evils, was none the less resolved to combat to the death this abominable tyranny. His Private Secretary knew and shared his difficulties and dangers, his opinions and resolves. At length Mr Gladstone recognised the need of special powers: the Protection of Person and Property Act was passed and became law. But outrages continued and grew, till in September 1881 agrarian crime reached highwater mark. In October Parnell was arrested under the P.P.P. Act and sent to Kilmainham prison, the Land League was declared an illegal association, and its meetings were suppressed.

At this time young ArnoldForster published a pamphlet that saw many editions and did much to educate Parliament and the people, The Truth about the Land League,' based upon documents published by the League and the authority of sworn reports. He had knelt on the roadside by a dying man shot from behind a hedge by his unknown enemies. He had stood by the deathbed of another, shot down because he had paid his rent. Threatening letters came by every post. It was known that the Chief Secretary's life was in hourly danger.

And it was at this time that Mr Gladstone decided to release Parnell and the other imprisoned Members of Par

liament. Mr Forster demanded certain conditions which Mr. Gladstone refused to grant. The release was unconditional, the surrender to the lawbreakers complete. Mr Forster realised the impossibility of his position, and resigned office. Within a few days Lord Frederick Cavendish, his successor, sent to carry out the policy of conciliation, and Mr Burke, the Under Secretary who had worked with Mr Forster and served Ireland devotedly and loyally, were assassinated in assassinated in the Phoenix Park; and their death was followed by a more stringent Coercion Act than any known before.

Here we have the origin of Arnold-Forster's future creed as regards Ireland - a creed based upon knowledge and experience, a creed which made his prime duty the defence of the loyal men and women of Ireland.

A political career had from the first the first strongly strongly appealed to Arnold - Forster; invitations from constituencies had reached him as early as 1879 and 1880; but his father was anxious for his professional success at the Bar, and dissuaded him from accepting them.

But before the resignation of 1882 he was persuaded to accept the candidature for Devonport in the Liberal interest. This candidature he withdrew later when he found himself compelled to break free from the Liberal party; and the first seat which he contested was Darlington, at the General Elec

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