lived to be as angry with its pendant, the treaty of Paris." "This Sir William Pynsent," adds Walpole, "whose fame, like an aloc, did not blow till near a hundred, was a singularity. The scandalous chronicle of Somersetshire talks terribly of his morals. . . .”* With this splendid bequest, and with a pension of 3000l. a-year, Pitt was very well able to live without office, and had certainly no reason to complain of straitened circum

stances.

In the course of the year the treaty of Paris, or, more properly, of Fontainebleau, was somewhat shaken. A French ship of the line and three corvets surprised and seized the island of Tortuga, or Turks' Island, in the West Indies, and made the English inhabitants prisoners; and the Spaniards, as had been foreseen, annoyed and interrupted our logwood-cutters at Honduras; and presumed, moreover, to seize a British ship in the Mediterranean. But these occurrences happened during the recess of parliament; and before the Houses met France disavowed the hostile proceedings, and, together with Spain, gave reparation and explanations which our ministers deemed satisfactory. It was apparent, however, that, while we considered we had obtained too little by the recent peace, both France and Spain thought we had got too much; that there was a bitter feeling against us; and that the two great Bourbon courts were withheld only by their weakness from renewing the struggle.

A. D. 1765.-Parliament assembled on the 10th

of January, when the king, in his speech, alluded to American taxation and American discontents; and, unalarmed by the gathering storm, recommended the carrying out of Grenville's scheme and the enforcing obedience in the colonies. "The experience I have had," said his majesty, "of your former conduct makes me rely on your wisdom and firmness, in promoting that obedience to the laws and respect to the legislative authority of this kingdom which is essentially necessary for the safety of the whole, and in establishing such regulations as may best connect and strengthen every part of my dominions, for their mutual benefit and support." The royal speech also announced the approaching marriage of the Princess Caroline, George's youngest sister, with the Prince

Letters to the Earl of Hertford. The editor of this important volume does not venture to give the remainder of the sentence; but says, The original contains an imputation against Sir W. Pynsent, which, if true, would induce us to suspect him of a disordered mind." It appears, from Horace Walpole, that Lord North, who was soon to be Pitt's political opponent, was disappointed of the fortune the orator obtained by the death of the strange old man. "Lady North was nearly related to Lady Pynsent, which encouraged Lord North to flatter himself that Sir William's extreme propensity to him would recommend even his wife's parentage for heirs; but the uncomeliness of Lady North, and a vote my Lord gave against the Cider Bill, offended the old gentleman so much, that he burnt his would-be heir in effigy."-Id. It appears that this strange old baronet had determined, at all events, to leave his fortune to a public man and orator. "Do you know," says Walpole, in another letter to the Earl of Hertford," that Sir William Pynsent had your brother in his eye. He said to his lawyer, I know Mr. Pitt is much younger than I am, but he has very bad health: as you will hear it before me, if he dies first, draw up another will with General Conway's name instead of Mr. Pitt's, and bring it down to me directly."

Royal of Denmark; an inauspicious union, ;* which, in the course of a few years, was attended with tragical consequences. The opening of the session did not promise serenity. Mr. Beckford took up a letter written by Sir William Draper, and complaining that the court of Spain had not yet paid the Manilla ransom. George Grenville defended the conduct of the Spaniards in this particular, and thus roused the eloquent and recently dismissed General Conway, who told Grenville that he had become a Spanish advocate, and that ministers had struck at the laws and independence of parliament in the most profligate Lord Granby, the idol of the army, and

manner.

Το

at the time a great favourite of the people, declared his disapprobation of the dismission of excellent officers for party reasons. Sir William Meredith notified his intention of taking up the affair of general warrants; and nothing seemed wanting but an harangue from Pitt, who was absent, and reported to be very ill of the gout. accommodate him the great question of the warrants was put off. The ministry attempted to conciliate the Americans by offering to drop the proposed stamp-tax, if they on their part would contribute about an equal sum in any other way more acceptable to themselves. To this Franklin and the other agents replied, that they were instructed to oppose Grenville's act and any other bill whatsoever that assumed as a principle the right of taxing the colonies. They urged " that, in the course of the last memorable contest, large sums had been repeatedly voted by parliament as an indemnifica

tion to the colonies for exertions which were allowed to be disproportionate to their means and resources; that the proper compensation to Britain for the expense of rearing and protecting her colonies was the monopoly of their trade, the absolute direction and regulation of which was universally acknowledged to be inherent in the British legislature." But the British king and the British cabinet were resolutely determined not to yield their claim of right; and the British legislature, with a small number of exceptions, seemed either to consider the right indisputable, or the question of little moment. The debates, on the whole, were languid, and failed to draw full Houses. Even Pitt, who had shown on former occasions that he could attend and harangue in flannels and upon crutches, and defy gout and fever, for far less momentous objects, now kept away from the House. Was this the effect of ignorance as to the life and death importance of the matter? or did Pitt purposely withhold his warning and potential voice, in order that his political adversaries might take the fatal step,-he not caring for the humiliation of his country, or for the miseries to be inflicted on humanity, provided the hostile admi

Before the nuptia's were solemnised the Prince Royal was King

of Denmark.

The sum of 200,000l. was, as we have mentioned, voted to the colonies in the first year of the reign. Another vote to the same amount was passed subsequently, but, on account of the troubles which broke out in America, ministers withheld payment of the last 200,000/.

nistration were rent to pieces and the powers of the crown thrown again at his feet?

Fifty-five resolutions proposed by a committee of ways and means were agreed to by the Commons, and incorporated into an act for laying nearly the same stamp-duties on the American colonies as were payable at the time in England. On the 7th of February there was what Walpole styles "one slight day on the American taxes;" and Burke, who sat in the gallery during the progress of the bill, said he never heard a more languid debate. Charles Townshend, supporting the act, received a heavy thump " from Colonel Barre, "who," says Walpole, "is the present Pitt." Townshend ventured to say that the Americans were very ungrateful, being "children planted by our care and nourished by our indulgence." Upon this the lately dismissed Barré, who had served beyond the Atlantic, and who knew the country and the people, burst forth:"They planted by your care! No!-your oppression planted them in America-they fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhospitable wilderness, exposed to all the hardships to which human nature is liable. They nourished by your indulgence! No!-they grew by your neglect of them; your care of them was displayed, as soon as you began to care about them, in sending persons to rule them who were the deputies of deputies of ministers-men whose behaviour on many occasions has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them-men who have been promoted to the highest seats of justice in that country, in order to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own. I have been conversant with the Americans, and I know them to be loyal indeed, but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated; and let my prediction of this day be remembered, that the same spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first will accompany them still." But the startling prediction was not heeded-it was treated merely as the complaint of a colonel who had lost his regiment; few or none seconded Barre's vaticination; the opposition were still waiting for the absent Pitt, and they mustered only a thin majority of forty on this vital question. So trifling did the subject seem even to the intelligent Horace Walpole, who was reporting everything he considered of consequence to the Earl of Hertford, an ambassador and statesman, that he only devoted one brief paragraph to the debate. Walpole indeed confesses that he was totally ignorant of American affairs. The same confession might, no doubt, have been made by the vast majority of those who were sitting with 'him in parliament; but assuredly it behoved them to seek for some light to dispel this palpable darkness-to read, inquire, and consult before they decided. Means of information, though perhaps not abundant, were not altogether wanting; and, if the country gentlemen had only condescended to read two small octavo volumes, written seven

years before by Burke, they might have been saved from some awful blunders. But the evident truth is, that indifference was mixed up with ignorance, and tended to prolong it till knowledge was useless-that the dismission of officers, the paltry Manilla ransom, and other questions paltrier still, were all considered of more weight and significance than the American business-and that the operations of the opposition were suspended in compliment to Mr. Pitt. There was only one division during the whole progress of the momentous bill.* Petitions presented by English merchants trading with the colonies, and by others who were both interested in and acquainted with American affairs, were treated with contempt; and the House refused to receive four petitions offered by the agents of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Virginia, and Carolina; and another petition, from the traders of Jamaica, was treated in the same manner. The House of Lords were still more expeditious and indifferent than the Commons, for they passed the bill without division or protest, and apparently without debate. With all these encouragements the king joyfully gave the royal assent, and the Stamp Act became law on the 22nd of March. Franklin had told them before, and he now told them again, that the Americans would never submit to its operation.

Wilkes, who remained in Paris, instead of returning to receive judgment in the Court of King's Bench, was visited with the more serious sentence of outlawry. Williams, the printer or re-printer of the North Briton, was condemned to stand in the pillory in Palace Yard. He went in a hackney coach, the number of which was forty-five, as if glorying in the particular number of the paper which had contained the libel. While he was standing in the pillory the mob erected a gallows opposite to him, on which they hung a boot with a straw bonnet on the top of it; and then they made a collection for the printer, which amounted to near 200/. Thus every proceeding against Wilkes or those concerned with him only elicited an increase of popular favour for him and them, and the most unequivocal demonstrations against Bute and ministers. When, however, Sir William Meredith's motion on the illegality of general warrants was again brought before the House, it was negatived after a long and stormy debate by a majority of 40. Another motion, for restraining the practice of filing informations ex officio by the attorney-general, was also defeated by ministers.

In the end of March, not a week after giving his assent to the American Stamp Act, it was reported that the king was very seriously ill and in great danger. He was kept close and every possible

• Mr. Grenville, at a subsequent period, said in the House of Commons-"I did propose the Stamp Act, and shall have no objection to have it christened by my name. There was only one division in the committee against it, and not a single negative in the House of Lords. It is easy to give an ex post facto judgment; but of all who acted with me in the government I never heard any one prophesy that the measure would be opposed. After the event prophecy is very safe. The Honourable Colonel (Barré) did indeed say that he knew not what anger it might occasion in America."-Cavendish's Debates.

secrecy was preserved; it was given out that he had a bad cold, and that the rheum had fallen on his chest; then it was rumoured in some quarters that he had been seized with a sudden vertigo or giddiness; but now it appears to be pretty clearly ascertained that the illness was more in the brain than on the lungs, and that it was in fact a slight attack of that terrible malady which thrice afterwards afflicted George III., and finally incapacitated him for the duties of government. This time the malady was transient; and as soon as his majesty recovered he appeared suddenly and unexpectedly at his levee at St. James's, and a few days after he acquainted his ministers that he was anxious for a Regency Bill, and told them the particulars of his intention. Mr. Fox, now Lord Holland, drew up the sketch of a bill which left the regent in petto, or to be named by the king, which omitted the names of the king's uncle the Duke of Cumberland, and of his brothers the Dukes of York and Gloucester, and Prince Frederic William, and which did not name the queen. The queen's name, however, was instantly added as one that might be regent; but no mention was made of the Princess Dowager of Wales, either because ministers were deterred by antipathies of their own, or because they were desirous "of not setting fire to the old stubble of the Princess Dowager and Lord Bute." The king himself proposed to the consideration of parliament the expediency of investing him with the power of appointing, from time to time, by instruments under his sign manual, either the queen or any other person of the royal family, usually residing in Great Britain, to be guardian of his successor, and regent of the kingdom, until the successor should attain the age of eighteen. Here no one was named directly save the queen, but as murmurs were heard his majesty sent a new message, and, instead of these general nominations, the five princes of the royal family were specially named, with power to the crown of supplying their places with other persons, if they died off. When this bill was read a second time in the Upper House, Lord Lyttelton complained that it left in doubt and obscurity who would really be regent; and he opposed an unknown regent. Lord Temple opposed the whole bill, and so did Lord Shelburne. Upon the first division, which was on the commitment of the bill, the Duke (of Newcastle and almost all the opposition voted in the ministerial majority. It is assumed that Newcastle felt that he could not decently oppose a bill which so closely resembled the regency scheme he had himself proposed in the preceding reign. The bill was committed by a majority of 120 against 9-a slender minority, which so enraged Lord Temple, that he went no more to the House while the question was pending. But next day Lord Lyttelton moved an address to the king, to name which one of the persons specified he would recommend for regent. In the midst of this debate the Duke of Richmond started two questions;

Whether the queen were naturalised? And, if not naturalised, whether she were capable of being regent? and to these queries he added a thirdWho are the royal family? In reply to the last question Lord Denbigh answered, "All who are prayed for;" but the Duke of Bedford said more significantly, "Those only who are in the order of succession;" which was a direct exclusion of the Princess Dowager. The Duke of Richmond moved to consult the judges; but Lord Mansfield fought this off. They then proceeded to vote on Lord Lyttelton's motion, which was rejected by 89 to 31. At this point the Duke of Newcastle went off from the House and the question; and the Duke of Grafton and many others hurried away to the horse-racing at Newmarket. The third day in the Lords is described as a scene of folly and confusion. The Duke of Richmond moved an amendment, that the persons capable of the regency should be declared to be the queen, the princess dowager, and all the descendants of the late king usually resident in England. Lord Halifax, one of the secretaries of state, proposed to substitute the word now for usually; but the Duke of Richmond persisted, and was supported by the Duke of Bedford, who would not, however, yield to name the princess dowager, albeit the chancellor very solemnly declared that the king's mother was really one of the royal family, and must be so considered. After puzzling on for two hours upon Lord Halifax's proposition, Lord Folkstone said, "Why not use both words? and say now and usually ?" Their lordships adopted this amendment at once, and then rejected the Duke of Richmond's motion, but ordered the judges to attend the next day on the question about the queen's naturalization. When the judges appeared they decided for the queen's capability; but then, to the surprise of the House, Lord Halifax rose to desire, by the king's permission, to have the bill recommitted; and his lordship then moved the very words of the Duke of Richmond's amendment, with the single exception of the princess dowager's name, who was thus to be rendered incapable of the regency, and stigmatised by act of parliament. This amendment was agreed to. "The astonishment of the world, continues Horace Walpole, "is not to be described. Lord Bute's friends are thunder-struck. The Duke of Bedford almost danced about the

House for joy. Comments there are various; and some palliate it, by saying it was done at the princess's desire; but the most inquisitive say, the king was taken by surprise, that Lord Halifax proposed the amendment to him, and hurried with it to the House of Lords before it could be recalled; and they even surmise that he did not observe to the king the omission of his mother's name. that as it may, open war seems to be declared between the court and the administration, and men are gazing to see which side will be victorious. . . . This is the worst of North Britons, and published by act of parliament."* When the bill was

Letterss to the Earl of Hertford.

Be

prised to find the ministry standing by the end of next week, than to hear of their entire removal. Nothing but an intractable temper in your friend Pitt can prevent a most admirable and lasting system from being put together, and this crisis will show whether pride or patriotism be predominant in his character; for you may be assured he has it now in his power to come into the service of his country upon any plan of politics he may choose to dictate, with great and honourable terms to himself and to every friend he has in the world, and with such a strength of power as will be equal to everything but absolute despotism over the king and kingdom. A few days will show whether he will take this part, or that of continuing on his back at Hayes, talking fustian, excluded from all ministerial and incapable of all parliamentary service. For his gout is worse than ever, but his pride may disable him more than his gout."

in the propriety of not letting his lordship interfere in public business; that he consented to displace Bute's brother; but that he absolutely refused the article about Lord Granby. Ministers, like his majesty, took time to consider. On the following morning, however, they gave up the point of Lord Granby, and contented themselves with the promise of not permitting Bute to interfere. They demanded and obtained the instant removal of Lord Holland, whose profitable place of paymaster was conferred on Charles Townshend, and they got the places of Lord Bute's brother for the Marquess of Lorn. To the surprise of most men Lord Temple now declared himself the warmest friend of the present administration;-but, from first to last, Temple's conduct seems even more inexplicable than that of his great brother-in-law. The king, most uneasy under what he considered a state of thraldom and dishonour, soon made fresh efforts to deliver himself. It is said that as early as the 20th of June he sent for Mr. Pitt, and held a long conference with him at Buckingham House; that Pitt said he could not engage without Lord Temple; that Temple was then sent for; and that through his lordship's objections the negotiation fell again to the ground. Early in July the

While Burke was writing these words negotiations were actually in progress with the orator. On the 16th of May when ministers went to receive his majesty's commands for his speech at the end of the session, which was to have been on the 22nd, he told them that he would not have parliament prorogued but only adjourned. They asked if he then intended to make any change in his administration? He replied, certainly; for he could not bear it as it was. He then sent for his uncle, the Duke of Cumberland, and dispatched him to Hayes in Kent to treat with Mr. Pitt. "The hero of Culloden," says Walpole, "" went down in person to the conqueror of America, at Hayes, and, though tendering almost carte blanche -blanchissime for the constitution, and little short of it for the whole red-book of places-brought back nothing but a flat refusal. Words cannot paint the confusion into which everything is thrown. The four ministers, I mean the Duke of Bedford, Grenville, and the two secretaries, acquainted their master yesterday, that they adhere to one another, and shall all resign to-morrow, and, perhaps, must be recalled on Wednesday." The Duke of Cumberland continued for a day or two his endeavours to form a ministry; but nobody worth having would undertake when Mr. Pitt had refused; and the king was reduced to the extreme mortification of retaining his old ministers. It is said, and may be easily believed, that these functionaries, who would have been turned off if the king had had power to do it, were disrespectful and even insolent to his majesty. They peremptorily demanded a royal promise of never consulting Lord Bute, the immediate dismission of his lordship's brother, Mr. Mackenzie, from his high offices in Scotland, and the nomination of Lord Granby to be captain general or head of the army. Bound hand and foot as he was, the king expressed his anger and astonishment, and bade them return at 10 o'clock at night for his answer. But before the appointed hour he sent the lord chancellor to intimate that he would not bind himself by a promise never to consult Lord Bute, though he acquiesced

The

king once more applied to his uncle, and this time the Duke of Cumberland undertook to treat with old Newcastle, whose great parliamentary weight seems always to have been considered nearly as important as Pitt's oratory and popularity. Duke of Newcastle, always at least more tractable than Pitt, joined Cumberland in addressing himself to the more moderate section of the opposition, and by the 15th of July a new ministry was adjusted. The Marquess of Rockingham was placed at the head of the treasury; the accomplished General Conway was intrusted with the management of the House of Commons, and named one of the secretaries of state; the other secretary was