people. The duty of individuals and of churches to contribute to funds in aid of such ministers and churches, would seem to be so clearly indicated by the practice of the primitive churches, that we cannot admit either Missionary Societies, or Bible Societies, or hospitals, or dispensaries, to have a prior claim on Christian benevolence. The admirable institutions for the relief of Dissenting ministers, which at present exist, deserve to be better known and more generally supported, as their funds are by no means adequate to meet the necessities of the times. The poor, after all that can be urged in enforcement of the duty of supporting the Christian ministry, and after all that can be done towards its support, we shall always have among us; poor churches and poor ministers; and these have claims which are too often lost sight of amid the general stir, and rivalry, and glare of highly patronized and more splendid institutions. We have pleasure in stating, that although this subject is not distinctly adverted to in the sermon, whatever profits may arise from its sale, are to be devoted to the assist

ance of ministers whose pecuniary difficulties may prove the painful necessity for such a discourse.' The best means of affording this assistance would have fairly come within the subject. Local associations have sometimes embraced this object, but they must necessarily be inadequate to the general exigency. Many hundreds a year are raised by the London congregations for the purpose of affording aid to country ministers having narrow stipends, and are unostentatiously distributed as an annual grant. But these funds have by no means kept pace with the depression of the times, and the increasing number of applicants. There are rich congregations in the country as well as in London; and we have never heard any good reason assigned, why they might not in like manner contribute of their abundance to the want of their poorer brethren.

It must not be concealed, that a very inadequate sense of the claims of the Christian ministry to a liberal support, is chargeable on all religious denominations. We have no occasion to except the members of the Establishment. What they give to their own clergy, is for the most part given of necessity and grudgingly; and both the occasion of Lord Harrowby's Bill and the opposition raised against it, would amply bear us out in retorting the charge brought against Sectarianism, of ⚫ starving its own cause.' But we make the remark chiefly in reference to Congregational Dissenters, whose liberality as a body, estimated in relation to their aggregate wealth, will bear a comparison with that of any class in the community; and yet, we repeat, that very inadequate notions are prevalent among them on the subject in question. It is a point on which we would deprecate any angry expression of feeling, and all

intemperate declamation; but there is abundant occasion to press home on the consciences of Christians, those plain Scriptural obligations to a voluntary liberality, which, owing to the modern system of pew-rents and tickets on the one hand, and the love of a cheap Gospel on the other, have certainly been to a great extent lost sight of. The chief difficulty in enforcing these obligations on the principle of the Apostolic precepts, arises from the mixed character of Dissenting congregations. Were those only to contribute to the maintenance of the minister, who are actuated by the proper motive, he would sometimes starve. Hence, when an appeal is made, it is made, not to the Church as an organized society, but to the congregation, as it has become usual to term the stated auditory; and it is clothed in language suited to the lax or general notions of worldly men. The higher motives are consequently seldom produced; and a system of policy is substituted for a system of principles. The plea is, that the rich man who pays for his curtained pew, the niggard who gives to save his character, and the needy man who gives only on compulsion, would all escape if the power of religious motives were trusted to. We are very strongly inclined, however, to believe, that were the system of voluntary contribution under proper management adhered to, although many would attend, who would never give any thing towards the support of the ministry, the total raised would, in many cases, be as large. It is not the rich who for the most part support the minister, let the mode of contribution be what it may: their subscription is very seldom equal, in proportion, to that of the poorer members. In excuse for this, they are ready to urge, that the calls on their munificence are so numerous. The fact too often is, that people will subscribe freely, when their donations are blazoned in a report, and some éclat or patronage attaches to it, who will not care even to be just to private claims. Is it right to leave such persons under a delusion? Ought the only consideration": to be, that, by whatever means and motives, the money is raised? Is the support of the minister a mere counting-house affair, like other concerns of pounds, shillings, and pence? Or is it a strictly religious affair, for which the New Testament has expressly provided, and which is the subject of positive precept? The ministry itself is degraded under any other view of the matter; and if its claims in this one respect are merged in dower considerations, we very much question whether any of the moral claims attaching to the pastoral office are likely to be recognised. The congregations which give scantily and grudgingly to the support of their minister, will seldom be found setting much value on either his personal services or his office. It is not, therefore, as affecting merely his income, that

it is of importance to have this subject placed in a proper light. We would not, indeed, estimate the true prosperity of a Christian society, by what it raises for the support of the minister: this would in many cases be a very fallacious criterion. But we do say, that the state of religion must be very low, where the minister is suffered to remain in a condition bordering on pauperism. On the common principles of justice and honesty, "the labourer is worthy of his hire ;" and what are we to think of their honesty, who are content to profit by the labour which they leave others to pay for? But are they But are they" God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing?" The obligation becomes still more sacred. And are their services a means of religious benefit? Then, in addition to the just wages of their labour, there is a superadded claim, a debt of gratitude, of which no individual who has imbibed the spirit of the Gospel, will think lightly. And " they who sow sparingly," can but expect to" reap sparingly."

66

Art. VIII. Memoirs of the late Mrs. Mary Barfield, of Thatcham ; (formerly Miss Summers of Hammersmith;) with Extracts from her Correspondence. Compiled by her Brother, S. Summers. 12mo. pp. 140. Price 3s. London, 1821.

THESE pages were not originally intended to meet the public eye, but were compiled as a memorial of one whose virtues endeared her to a large circle of friends, and who, both in life and in death, exhibited a lovely and attractive example of the power of religion. The Editor has been induced to submit them to more extended perusal, from the hope that they will serve to recommend even to strangers, those principles to which all the excellence of her character is to be traced. The greater part of the volume is occupied with extracts from Miss Summers's confidential correspondence, which amply testify the solidity of her judgement, and the experimental and practical character of her religious views and feelings. Her piety,' says her brother,

was eminently practical, and deeply influential; it was the standard to which every action was referred, the test by which every feeling and inclination was tried. It was characterized by deep humility, habitual self-examination, and unfeigned penitence. Having publicly avowed her attachment to God and his people, she considered that profession as a sacred investiture, involving high and solemn responsibilities;' and perhaps, seldom have they been more conscientiously fulfilled. From this new and happy era of her life, she seemed to regard herself as the steward only of her time, her talents, and even her health. Friendshipand society might no longer put in their claim to either, when that claim would have entrenched on the demands of the poor, or interrupted the duties, devolving upon her as the member of a Christian Church.......

Her life conveys a striking reproof to many who, with equal talents and equal advantages, are still, if not blots, at least blanks, in the world and in the church.'

The cheerful and steady composure with which she waited for her dissolution, when her recovery was pronounced hopeless; the firmness with which her mind grasped the certain hope of immortality, and the solicitude she manifested for the religious interests of her household, are highly striking and exemplary. We sincerely concur in the hope that the publication by its monitory efficacy, may realize the obvious intention, and more than repay the affectionate labours of the Biographer.

Art. IX. Reasons for Opposition to the Principles and Measures of the Present Administration. 8vo. pp. 56. London. 1821.

THIS pamphlet cannot lay claim to the merit of originality,

or powerful eloquence, or depth of thought, but the Author treads in the steps of Mr. Hume, whose arithmetical eloquence has been found far more efficient than the most splendid declamation. He rests his reasons mainly on facts and figures, the hardest of all arguments. The great fault of the pamphlet is, that it betrays too much of the party-writer, being written throughout in the spirit of an indictment. The Writer concludes his address with calling upon that proportion of the people of England who have any thing to do with electing representatives, to exercise their invaluable privilege, at the next general Election, by rejecting the supporters of ministers As if the people really had it in their power to deprive any set of ministers of a Parliamentary majority! No: the country is fairly wedded to the present ministry, to have and to hold, for richer for poorer, for better for worse, in sickness and in health, and death alone can them part. To displace them is out of the question: to oppose them by all constitutional means, nay be reasonable enough; and even a party opposition is better than none. But, as to the efficiency of such patriotic endeavours, we fear that things must be worse before they are better they must at least become so bad as to make the Aristocracy take part with the people; and then, and not till then, need we dream of a change of system. In the mean time, there is little justice in making out the Administration to be the root of all evil. To charge them with being the authors of our present sufferings, is manifestly unfair, We are now but paying the price of a twenty years' glorious war, which to our landed gentry, clergy, army, navy, contractors, and loan jobbers, was a source of the highest satisfaction; into the spirit of which these large classes of the nation entered with enthusiasm. Why blame the Minister for the madness of the nation? The com

petency of the present Administration to meet the extraordinary exigency of affairs may be questioned; but of their sincerity in wishing to meet it by any means short of crippling their patronage, there is no reason to doubt. Opposition, then, if it be honest opposition, ought to be directed against measures and principles, not against the men, who are but the creatures, the representatives, and the agents of a system of politics, which neither originated with them, nor will die with them, and which greater talents would only render more formidable to the welfare of the country.

Art. X. 1. A Treatise on the Art of Brewing, exhibiting the London Practice of Brewing Porter, Brown Stout, Ale, Table Beer, and various other Kinds of Malt Liquors. By Frederick Accum. Plates. 12mo. - pp. 122. Price 9s. London. 1820.

2. A Treatise on the Art of making Wine from native Fruits; exhi biting the Chemical Principles on which the Art of Wine-making depends; the Fruits best adapted for home-made Wines, and the Method of preparing them. By Frederic Accum. 12mo, pp. 92. Price 3s. London.

1820.

3. A practical Treatise to render the Art of Brewing more easy. By E. N. Hayman. 12mo, pp. 117. London. 1819,

M R. ACCUM, in compiling his Treatise on Wines, has been

much indebted to Dr. Macculloch's valuable "Remarks on the Art of making Wine"; a work by no means superseded by the present manual.

Mr. A.'s Treatise on Brewing must be allowed to be comprehensive, and, to the Trade, will be, we doubt not, sufficiently intelligible, baving enough of scientific principle to give certainty to the different processes, and containing some highly useful Tables. The chief fault of the work is, that its directions are somewhat too complicated, and relate to a scale of proceeding too large, to be readily understood and advantageously adopted by unscientific persons in their domestic operations. We tran scribe the Author's short historical Introduction."

The art of preparing vinous liquors from nutritive farinaceous seeds, previously subjected to the process of germination, or malting, appears to have been known and practised in very remote ages, among those people who lived in countries that are not adapted for the culture of the grape.

་

The ancient Greek writers gave the name of barley wine to malt liquors. The invention of brewing is ascribe to the Egyptians; from whence it seems to have passed to those western nations which were settled by the colonies that migrated from the east. The town of Pelusium, situated on one of the mouths of the Nile, was particularly celebrated for VOL. XVII. N; S......... 2 B2