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CHAPTER VI.

1648-1660.

The Commonwealth-Cromwell's treatment of his Parliaments The Triers -Committee of Fundamentals-Principles on which Baxter acted towards Cromwell-Preaches before him-Interviews with him-Admission of the Benefits of Cromwell's Government-Character of Cromwell-Remarks on that character-Richard's Succession and Retirement-The RestorationBaxter goes to London-Preaches before Parliament-Preaches before the Lord Mayor-The King's Arrival in London-Reception by the London Ministers-Notices of various labours of Baxter during his second residence in Kidderminster-Numerous Works written during this period-Extensive Correspondence Concluding Observations,

HAVING, in the preceding chapter, given a full view of the manner in which Baxter acted in his ministerial capacity, during the period of his second residence in Kidderminster, comprehending fourteen years of the most active and interesting period of his life, we shall now collect some of his views respecting the political events and characters of the Commonwealth, and notice certain parts of his conduct in relation to the parties in power.

To give a full detail of the rapidly-shifting scenes which then passed along the stage, or of the principles and conduct of all the actors, is impracticable; but a view of the times of Baxter would be imperfect, without some notice of them; I can only make a selection, and that selection shall be chiefly in Baxter's own words.

His former connexion with the army of the Commonwealth, had furnished him with opportunities of knowing the characters of not a few of the leading men, in many respects favourable to his forming a correct judgment of their characters, and of the

principles by which they were actuated; while his conscientious fidelity led him to speak, both to them and of them, so plainly as to leave no ambiguity whatever as to the estimate which he formed.

Every thing relative to Oliver Cromwell still possesses considerable interest; and as Baxter has said a good deal respecting him, it would be unjustifiable in these memoirs, to omit the substance of the information which he has furnished. The following account quite harmonises with other documents which record the transactions of the times. Having given a narrative of the final defeat of the royal army, of the flight of Charles II. to France, and of the policy pursued toward Scotland, he thus describes the measures of the crafty Protector, in the treatment of his parliaments.

"Cromwell having thus far seemed to be a servant to the parliament, and to work for his masters, the Rump, or Commonwealth, did next begin to show whom he served, and take that impediment also out of the way. To this end, he first did by them as he did by the Presbyterians, make them odious by hard speeches against them throughout his army; as if they intended to perpetuate themselves, and would not be accountable for the money of the Commonwealth, &c. He also treated privately with many of them, to appoint a time when they would dissolve themselves, so that another free parliament might be chosen. But they perceived the danger, and were rather for filling up their number by new elections, which he was utterly against.

"His greatest advantage to strengthen himself against them by the sectaries, was their owning the public ministry and its maintenance; for though Vane and his party set themselves to make the ministers odious, and to take them down by reproachful titles, still the greater part of the House did carry it for a sober ministry and competent maintenance. When the Quakers and others openly reproached the ministry, and the soldiers favoured them, I drew up a petition for the ministry,

got many thousand hands to it in Worcestershire, and Mr. Thomas Foley and Colonel John Bridges presented it. The House gave it a kind and promising answer, which increased the sectaries' displeasure against the House. When a certain Quaker wrote a reviling censure of this petition, I wrote a defence of it, and caused one of them to be given to each parliament-man at the door; but within one day after this they were dissolved. For Cromwell, impatient of any more delay, suddenly took Harrison and some soldiers with him, as if God had impelled him, and, as in a rapture, went into the House and reproved the members for their faults. Pointing to Vane, he called him a juggler; and to Henry Martin, called him whoremaster; and having two such to instance in, took it for granted that they were all unfit to continue in the government of the Commonwealth, and out he turned them. So ended the government of the Rump. No sort of people expressed any great offence that they were cast out, though almost all, save the sectaries and the army, did take him to be a traitor who did it.

m

"The young Commonwealth being already headless, you might think that nothing was left to stand between Cromwell and the crown. For a governor there must be, and who should be thought fitter? But yet there was another pageant to be played, which had a double end: first, to make the necessity of his government undeniable; and, secondly, to put his own

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1 These were published under the title of The Worcestershire Petition,' and the 'Defence of it;' an account of which will be found in another place. m A very curious account of this facetious, but, I fear, profligate commoner, is given in Aubrey's Miscellanies,' vol. ii. pp. 434-437. A sarcasm of Charles the First, upon Martin, is there alleged to have cost the king the loss of the county of Berks. He was one of the king's judges, and is said to have owed his life to the wit of Lord Faulkland, and his own profligacy. "Gentlemen," said his lordship, "you talk of making a sacrifice. By the old law, all sacrifices were required to be without spot or blemish; and now you are going to make this old rotten rascal a sacrifice!" The joke took, and saved Henry's life,

soldiers, at last, out of love with democracy; or, at least, to make those hateful who adhered to it. A parliament must be called, but the ungodly people are not to be trusted with the choice; therefore the soldiers, as more religious, must be the choosers; and two out of a county are chosen by the officers, upon the advice of their sectarian friends in the country. This was called in contempt, the Little Parliament."

"Harrison became the head of the sectaries, and Cromwell now began to design the heading of a soberer party, who were for learning and a ministry; but yet to be the equal protector of all. Hereupon, in the little sectarian parliament, it was put to the vote, whether all the parish ministers in England should at once be put down; and it was but accidentally carried in the negative by two voices. It was taken for granted, that the

n One of the best and fullest views which we have of Cromwell's parliaments has been recently furnished in Burton's Diary,' edited by Mr. Towill Rutt. It shows us more of the working of the Protector's system than any former publication had done. Certainly, some of the members were not the best qualified of all men to be legislators, if we may judge from many of their opinions and expressions, as they here appear. They meddled with various matters, which they had much better have let alone; though it is clear that even Old Noll, with all his power and sternness, could not make them do what he pleased. Scobell's acts of these parliaments shows, however, that some of their enactments were both wise and salutary.

• This statement is incorrect: no such question as the abolition of the ministry having been discussed in that parliament. "On the 15th of July, 1653, the question was proposed whether the maintenance of ministers by tithes should be continued after the third day of November next: and the question being put, that that question be now put, it passed in the negative. The noes 68, yeas 43."-Journals of the House of Commons. This, I have no doubt, is the affair to which Baxter refers. The reader will easily distinguish between the abolition of tithes, and the abolition of the ministry. The following extract from a report of the committee on tithes, appointed by this parliament, will show what were the real sentiments entertained by them on that subject. I am much deceived if they will not be thought enlightened even at the present time. "Resolved, that it be presented to the Parliament that all such as are or shall be approved for public preachers of the Gospel in the public meeting places, shall have and enjoy the maintenance already settled by law; and such other encouragement as the Parliament hath already appointed, or hereafter shall appoint: and that where any scruple payment of tithes, the three next justices of the peace, or two of them, shall upon complaint call the parties before them; and, by the oaths of lawful witnesses,

tithes and universities would, at the next opportunity, be voted down; and so Cromwell must be their saviour, or they must perish; when he had purposely cast them into the pit, that they might be beholden to him to pull them out. But his game was so grossly played, that it made him the more loathed by men of understanding and sincerity. So Sir Charles Wolsley, and some others, took their time, and put it to the vote, whether the House, as incapable of serving the Commonwealth, should go and deliver up their power to Cromwell, from whom they had received it; which was carried in the affirmative. So away they went, and solemnly resigned their power to him; and now, who but Cromwell and his army? P

"The intelligent sort, by this time, did fully see that Cromwell's design was, by causing and permitting destruction to hang over us, to necessitate the nation, whether it would or not, to take him for its governor, that he might be its protector. Being resolved that we should be saved by him or perish, he made more use of the wild-headed sectaries than barely to fight for him. They now served him as much by their heresies, their enmity to learning and the ministry, and their pernicious demands which tended to confusion, as they had done

shall duly apportion the value of the said tithes, to be paid either in money or land by them, to be set out according to the said value, to be held and enjoyed by him that was to have had the said tithes : and in case such apportioned value be not duly paid, or enjoyed according to the order of the said justices, the tithes shall be paid in kind, and shall be recovered in any court of record. Upon hearing and considering what hath been offered to this committee touching propriety in tithes of incumbents, rectors, possessors of donatives, or propriate tithes, it is the opinion of this committee, and resolved to be reported so to the Parliament, the said persons have a legal propriety in tithes.”—Journal, Dec. 2, 1653. There is no evidence that the parliament ever intended to put down the universities, or to alienate the lands which belonged to them, from the purpose to which they were originally destined.

P Cromwell, in his opening speech at the meeting of the ensuing parliament, solemnly declared that he knew nothing of this act of dissolution, till the speaker and the members came and put it into his hands. It is strange if he was ignorant of it, and equally strange, if he had a hand in it, that he should in public declare his ignorance.—Harris's Life of Cromwell, p. 334.

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