Itself to motion, like as it would speak:
But, even then, the morning cock crew loud;
And, at the sound, it shrunk in haste away,
And vanished from our sight.

Ham. 'T is very strange.

Hor. As I do live, my honoured lord, 't is true; And we did think it writ down in our duty, To let you know of it.

Ham. Indeed, indeed, sir, but this troubles me Hold you the watch to-night?

Hor. We do, my lord,

Ham. Armed, say you?

Hor. Armed, my lord.

Ham. From top to toe?

Hor. My lord, from head to foot.

Ham. Then saw you not his face.

Hor. O, yes, my lord; he wore his beaver up.
Ham. What, looked he frowningly?

Hor. A countenance more

In sorrow than in anger.

Ham. Pale, or red?

Hor. Nay, very pale.

Ham. And fixed his eyes upon you?

Hor. Most constantly.

Ham. I would I had been there!

Hor. It would have much amazed you.

Ham. Very like, very like.-Staid it long?

Hor. While one with moderate haste might tell a hundred.

Ham. His beard was grizzled?-no?
Hor. It was, as I have seen it in his life,

A sable silvered.

Ham. I will watch to-night;
Perchance 't will walk again.
Hor. I warrant 'twill.

Ham. If it assume my noble father's person,
I'll speak to it, though hell itself should gape,
And bid me hold my peace. I pray you, sir,
If you have hitherto concealed this sight,
Let it be tenable in your silence still;
And whatsoever else shall hap to-night,
Give it an understanding, but no tongue;
I will requite your love: so, fare you well.
Upon the platform, 'twixt eleven and twelve,
I'll visit you.

EXTRACT FROM R. H. LEE'S SPEECH IN FAVOUR OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

THE Americans may become faithful friends to the English, but subjects, never. And even though union could be restored without rancour, it could not without danger. There are some who seem to dread the effects of the resolution. But will England, or can she, manifest against us greater vigour and rage than she has already displayed? She deems resistance against oppression no less rebellion, than independence itself. And where are those formidable troops that are to subdue the Americans? What the English could not do, can it be done by Germans? Are they more brave, or better disciplined? The number of our enemies is increased; but our own is not diminished, and the battles we have sustained, have given us the practice of arms and the experience of war.

America has arrived at a degree of power, which assigns her a place among independent nations: we are not less entitled to it than the English themselves. If they have wealth, so also have we; if they are brave, so are we; if they are more numerous, our population will soon equal theirs; if they have men of renown, as well in peace as in war, we likewise have such; political revolutions produce great, brave and generous spirits. From what we have already achieved in these painful beginnings, it is easy to presume, what we shall hereafter accomplish; for experience is the source of sage counsels, and liberty is the mother of great men.

Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexington, by thirty thousand citizens armed and assembled in one day? Already their most celebrated generals have yielded, in Boston, to the skill of ours; already their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, wander over the ocean, where they are the sport of tempest, and the prey of famine. Let us hail the favourable omen, and fight, not for the sake of knowing on what terms we are to be the slaves of England, but to secure to ourselves a free existence,-to found a just and independent government. Animated by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innumerable army of Persians; sustained by the love of independence, the Swiss and the Dutch humbled the power of Austria by memorable defeats, and con

quered a rank among nations. The sun of America also shines upon the heads of the brave; the point of our weapons is no less formidable than theirs; here also the same union prevails, the same contempt of dangers and of death, in asserting the cause of country.

Why then do we longer delay, why still deliberate ? Let this most happy day give birth to the American republic. Let her arise, not to devastate and conquer, but to reestablish the reign of peace and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us; she demands of us a living example of freedom, that may contrast, by the felicity of the citizens, with the ever increasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum, where the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted repose. She entreats us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant, which first sprung up and grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, sheltering, under its salubrious and interminable shade, all the unfortunate of the human race.

This is the end presaged by so many omens, by our first victories, by the present ardour and union, by the flight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out amongst Dunmore's people, by the very winds which baffled the enemy's fleets and transports, and that terrible tempest which ingulfed seven hundred vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we are not this day wanting in our duty to country, the names of the American legislators will be placed, by posterity, at the side of those of Theseus, of Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be forever dear to virtuous men and good citizens.

THE man, who reads and reverences the Bible, is not the man of violence and blood: he will not rise up from the study of lessons which the Holy Ghost teaches, to commit a burglary: he will not travel with a Bible under his arm, meditating upon its contents as forming the rule of his conduct,

to celebrate the orgies of Bacchus, or the rights of the Cyprian Venus. Assuredly they were not the leaves of the Bible, which, in 1780, kindled the flames of Newgate; nor is it from stores of inspired eloquence, the apostles of mischief draw those doctrines and speeches, which delude the understanding, and exasperate the passions of an ignorant and ill-judging multitude.

The influence of the Bible, upon the habits of community, is calculated to set up, around every paternal government, a rampart better than walls, and guns, and bayonets,—a rampart of human hearts. From the same reasons, the Bible, in proportion as it is known and believed, must produce a generally good effect upon the condition of the world. In forming the character of the individual and the nation, it cannot fail to mould also, in a greater or less degree, the conduct of political governments toward each other.

It is not in the Bible, nor in the spirit which it infuses, that the pride, which sacrifices hecatombs and nations of men to its lawless aggrandizement, either finds or seeks for its aliment; and had Europe been under the sway of this Book of God, this age had not seen a monster of ambition endeavouring to plant one foot on the heights of Montmartre, and the other on the hills of Dover:-and while he scowled on the prostrate continent, stretching with his right hand, to rifle the treasures of the East, and with his left, to crush the young glories of the West. Such a spirit was never bred in the bosom, nor drew its nourishment from the milk of a Bible Society.

The cause and interest of the Bible Society, are not the cause and interest of a few visionaries, inebriated by romantic projects. It is the cause of more than giant undertakings, in a regular and progressive course. The decisive battle has been fought; opposition comes now too late. He who would arrest the march of the Bible Society, is attempting to stop the moral machinery of the world, and can look for nothing but to be crushed to pieces. The march must proceed. Those disciplined and formidable columns, which, under the banner of Divine truth, are bearing down upon the territories of death, have one word of command from on high, and that word is 'onward.'-The command does not fall useless on the ears of this Society. May it go 'onward,' continuing to be, and with increasing splendour, the astonishment of the world.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND ITS EFFECTS.

Extract from an Oration of Mr. Burges delivered at Providence July 4, 1831.

FORTUNATELY for our fathers, for us, and for the rights of the human race, the question between England and America was brought to trial on the Parliamentary claim to tax the Colonies; not at the English Custom House in Great Britain, but at the English Custom here, on our own shores, on our own wharves. In this all was seen; there could be no evasion, no mistake; and we were invulnerable. It was a tremendous controversy; a trial by battle; but the Great Arbiter of nations defended the right.

I see a few men here, who must remember the first day of the war. It is the oldest event alive in my recollection. Though distant from the field nearly twice the length of this state; yet the alarm reached our little hamlet before the sun went down. Every cheek was pale; but every eye was on fire. Lexington was the gathering word; and the name flew from man to man, from colony to colony, as the lightning shoots along the dark bosom of the summer cloud. Almost at once, one spirit pervaded the whole country; and while our enemies were taking counsel to subdue us one by one, we had become a nation. Bunker Hill was next the battle cry; and field after field gave each a new word of war, until the roar of the last cannon, the shout of the last victory was heard; and the last sword of the enemy delivered up at Yorktown.

What are some of the effects produced by our revolution? Surrounding nations looked anxiously on while the great controversy was on trial; and at the moment of success, the light of our triumph, rising high and glorious, was seen by the people, in regions the most distant. Under this light the great principles of our revolution have spread, and extended; and that improvement in the political condition of nations, then commenced, has, from that hour up to the present moment, been in progress. Letters have been, and now continually are disseminating knowledge; men have made many discoveries concerning their rights; and are making mighty efforts to regain them.

France, after years of anarchy, blood, and iron despotism, seems at last to have succeeded in establishing constitutional freedom. In other parts of Europe liberty is awakening