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causes of the revolution. The Protestants condemned the act, not only on account of its usurping character, but because, as they said, it favored popery. They were well aware of the agency Penn had exercised in procuring it, and therefore accused him of papistry. He however denied the allegation, and claimed to hold the doctrines of the established church as his creed; only differing as to the mode of worship. He labored by his writings, to induce the legislature to sanction the act of the king, by abolishing the penal laws, in which he showed that such a measure would be for the general interest. About this time he published a book, entitled The great and popular objection against the repeal of the penal laws, briefly stated, and considered. Although he had succeeded with the king, he had made many great and powerful enemies among the people; because they believed his influence had procured favor for the papists, whom they hated, and never tired of persecuting. His motives were misrepresented, and not understood, and his person in consequence, sometimes in danger. Against the absurd charge of popery in his reply to a letter from W. Popple on that subject, dated the 24th October 1688, he thus defends himself:
“It is now above twenty years, I thank God, that I have not been very solicitous what the world thought of me. For since I have had the knowledge of religion, from a principle in myseif, the first and main point with me has been, to approve myself in ihe sight of God, through patience and well doing: so that the world has not had weight enough with me, to suffer its good opinion to raise me, or its ill opinion to deject me. And, if that had been the only motive, or consideration, and not the desire of a good friend, in the name of many others, I had been as silent to thy letter, as I used to be to the idle and malicious shams of the times: but, as the laws of friendship are sacred, with those that value that relation, so I confess this to be a principal one with me, not to deny a friend the satisfaction he desires, when it may be done without offence to a good conscience,
The business chiefly insisted upon is my popery, and endeavors to promote it. I do say, then, and that with all sincerity, that I am not only no jesuit, but no papist. And, which is more I never had any temptation upon me to beit, either from doubts, in my own mind, about the way ) profess, or from the discourses, or writings of any of that religion. And, in the presence of Almighty God, I do declare, that the king did never once, directly or indirectly attack me, or tempt me, upon that subject, the many years, that I have had the advantage of a free access to him; so unjust, as well as sordidly false, are all those stories of the town.
The only reason, that I can apprehend, they have to repute me a Roman Catholic, is my frequent going to White-hall
, a place no more forbid to me, than to the rest of the world, who yet, it seems, find much fairer quarter. I have almost continually had one business or other there for our Friends, whom I ever served with a steady solicitation, through all times, since I was of their communion. I had also a great many personal good offices to do, upon a principle of charity, for people of all persuasions; thinking it a duty to improve the little interest I had, for the good of those that needed it, especially the poor. I might add something of my own affairs 100; though I must own (if I may without vanity) that they have ever had the least share of my thoughts, or pains, or else they would not have still depended as they yet do.
But because some people are so unjust as to render instances for my popery (or, rather hypocrisy, for so it would be in me) it is fit I contradict them as particularly as they accuse me. I say, then, solemnly, that I am so far from having been bred at St. Omer's, and having received orders at Rome, that I never was at either place, nor do I know any body there; nor had I ever a correspondency with any body, in those places; which is another story invented against me. And, as for my officiating in the king's chapel, or any other, it is so ridiculous, as well as untrue, that besides that no body can do it, but a priest, and that I have been married to 2 woman of some condition, above sixteen years, which no priest can be, by any dispensation whatever; I have not so much as looked into any chapel of the Roman religion, and consequently not the king's, though common curiosity warrants it daily to people of all persuasions.
And, once for all, I do say, that I am a protestant dissenter, and to that degree such, that I challenge the most celebrated protestant of the English church, or any other, on that head, be he layman, or clergyman, in public, or in private. For I would have such people know, it is not impossible for a true protestant dissenter to be dutiful, thankful and serviceable to the king, though he be of the Roman Catholic communion. We hold not our property, or protection, from him, by our persuasion; and, therefore, his persuasion should not be the measure of our allegiance. I am sorry to see so many, that seem fond of the reformed religion, by their disaffection to him, recommend it so ill. Whatever practices of the Roman Catholics we might reasonably object against (and no doubt but such there are) yet he has disclaimed and reprehended those ill things, by his declared opinion against persecution, by the ease, in which he actually indulges all dissenters; and by the confirmation, he offers in parliament, for the security of the protestant religion, and liberty of conscience. And, in his honor, as well as in my own defence, I am obliged, in conscience, to say, that he has ever declared to me, it was his opinion; and on all occasions, when duke, he never refused me the repeated proofs of it, as often as I had any poor sufferers for conscience sake to solicit his help for.
But some may be apt to say, "Why not any body else as well as I? Why must I have the preferable access to other dissenters, if not a papist?' I answer, I know not that it is so. But this I know, that I have made it my province, and business; I have followed and
pressed it; I took it for my calling and station, and have kept it above these sixteen years, and, which is more (if I may say
it without vanity or reproach) wholly at my own charges too. To this let me add the relation, that my father had to this king's service; his particular favor, in getting me released out of the tower of London, in 1669; my father's humble request to him, upon his death bed, to protect me from the inconveniences and troubles, my persuasion might expose me to, and his friendly promise to do it, and exact performance of it, from the moment, I addressed myself to him:- I say, when all this is considered, any body, that hath the least pretence to good nature, gratitude, or generosity, must needs know how to interpret my access to the king."
While William Penn was thus variously and importantly employed in England, his province, as before observed, needed his presence; and Thomas Lloyd, who ever since the proprietary's departure, had chiefly presided in the public affairs, and sustained the weight and care of them, under the different appointments, excepting two short intermissions, wherein Thomas Holme and William Clark supplied his absence, wanted to be discharged from the burden; and, before this time had solicited to be released, by the appointment of another person in his room: but a suitable person such an appointment was not easy to be found; and the proprietary appears to have been sensible of it, by his manner of writing, at different times, to his friends in the province, expressing his ardent desire for its prosperity, and to reside in it himself; in one of which to Thomas Lloyd, about this time, are the following expressions, viz:- No honor, interest, or pleasure, in this part of the world, shall be able to check my desires to live and die among you; and, though to my grief, my stay is yet prolonged on private and public accounts, yet, depend upon it, Pennsylvania is my worldly delight, and end of all places on the carth.
Now, though I have, to please thee, given thee a quietus from all public business, my intention is to constitute thee deputy governor, and two, in the character of assistants; either of whom and thyself, to be able to do all as fully as I myself can do; only I wait thy consent to the employment; of which advise me,' &c.
-by all that is reverent, tender and friendly, I beseech thy care, condescension and help, for that poor province. I am here serving God and friends, and the nation; which I hope God will reward to mine and
Notwithstanding the strict friendship, and good disposition, which, from the beginning, had been wisely cultivated and established by the proprietary and inhabitants, or first settlers, of the province, with the indians, and afterwards pursued in such manner, as to leave no reasonable cause for fears and suspicions between them; yet, as in all countries wickedly disposed persons are found, whose delight is, if possible, to disturb the public tranquility; so we find, in the infancy of this colony, when justice, peace and harmony so universally predominated, it was possible, nevertheless, for idle reports. and vain rumors to take place, and gain so far on unguarded minds, as to create very alarming apprehensions, respecting the indians;— the consideration of their large numbers, at that time, in proportion to the fewness of the European settlers, rather favoring such apprehensions; of which we have the following instance.
In, or about the year 1688, the inhabitants of Philadelphia, and places adjacent, were alarmed with the
report of an intended insurrection of the indians, to cut off all the English, on a certain appointed day. This was communicated by two indian women of WestJersey, to an old Dutch inhabitant, near Chester, to be on the next fourth day of the week. Several Friends or Quakers, upon hearing this report, being conscious of their just conduct towards the indians, and sensible of nothing that could reasonably disgust them, endeavored to appease the people's fears. The said fourth day being come, about ten o'clock, in the night, a messenger arrived at Chester, out of the woods, and told the people, that three families, about nine miles distant, which he named, were all cut off by the indians. This report coming to a Friend, then at Chester, about midnight he took with him two young men, on horseback, to the place, in order to examine into the truth of the affair. They found the three houses, but no body in them, and yet no signs of murder; their inhabitants, alarmed in a similar manner, had fled to the houses of their parents, at Ridley creek, about a mile from hence. The master of one of these families, being from home, had been informed five hundred indians were actually collected at Naaman's creek, in pursuit of their design, to kill the English; and as he was hastening to his house, he thought he heard his boy crying out, and saying, •What shall I do, my dame is killed! Upon which, instead of going home, to know the certainty of the affair, he ran off, to acquaint the government, at Philadelphia; but being met by a person of more prudence than himself, before he got to the city, he was persuaded by him to return.
The report notwithstanding soon arrived at the city; and was told with such alarming circumstances, that a messenger was immediately dispatched to Marcus Hook, near the said Naaman's creek to inquire the truth of it. He quickly returned and confirmed the report, but with this variation; that it was at Brandywine creek, at an indian town, where the five hundred indians were assembled; and, that they, having a lame king, had carried him away, with all their women and children. These circumstances rendered the affair still more alarming, and, with many, amounted to a certainty.
The council were, at that time, sitting at Philadelphia on other affairs, when one of them, a Friend, supposed to be Caleb Pusey, who lived in Chester county, voluntarily offered himself to go to the place, provided they would name five others to accompany him, without weapons; which being soon agreed on, they rode to the place; but, instead of meeting with five hundred warriors, they found the old king quietly lying, with his lame foot along on the ground,
and his head, at ease, on a kind of pillow, the women at work, in the field, and the children playing together.
When they had entered the wigwam, the king presently asked them very mildly, 'What they all came for.' They told him the report, which the indian women had raised; and asked him, whether the indians had any thing against the English? He'appeared much displeased at the report and said, the women ought to be burnt to death; and that they had nothing against the English;-adding, 6.'Tis true there are about fifteen pounds yet behind of our pay for the land, which William Penn bought, but as you are still on it, and improving it, to your own use, we are not in haste for
but when the English come to settle it, we expect to be paid?- This the messengers, thinking very reasonable, told him, they would undoubtedly be paid for their land.
One of the company further expressed himself to the indian king, in the following manner; “That the great God who made the world and all things therein, consequently made all mankind, both indians and English; and as he made all, so his love was extended to all; which, was plainly shewn, by his causing the rain and dews to fall on the ground of both indians and English alike; that it might equally produce what the indians, as well as what the English sowed or planted in it, for the sustenance of life; and also by his making the sun to shine equally on all, both indians and English, to nourish them; and that seeing the great Being, which made them all, extended his love thus to all, so they were mutually bound to love one another.'
· The king answered, "What they had said was true; and as God has given you corn, I would advise you to get it in; (it being then harvest time) for we intend you no harm. They paried amicably; and the messengers, returning, put an end to the people's fears.
In consequence of Thomas Lloyd's request, to be released from the public affairs of the government, in the latter part of the year 1688, he was accordingly succeeded by captain John Blackwell;*
* Blackwell's wife was general Lambert's daughter; she, coming to William Penn, on other business, soon after he received this application from Thomas Lloyd, was asked by him, whether she thought her husband (who was then in New England, and from whom William Penn, by some of his letters, seems to have had a great esteem) would accept of the vernment of Pennsylvania?-She answered, “He would.' A commission was therefore sent him, with the following instructions, viz.
'Instructions for Lieutenant Governor Blackwell, or whom else (L. S.)
they may concern. That things be transacted in my name, by the style of my patent only, viz. Absolute Proprietary of Pennsylvania, &c. if not contrary to the character and laws of the province, as I suppose not.
That commissions signed and sealed by me here shall be sufficient warrants and directions to pass them under the great seal.
To collect the laws, that are in being, and send thein over to me, in a