The Promise. PREFACE The book was to be ready to be sent on its important Mission soon after May first, but practical problems over which the Editor and Publisher had little control, have prevented this until the latter part of July; and now we cherish the hope that it will meet with a hearty welcome! For our good German and AustroHungarian sympathizers we need no argument to point out the importance of the undertaking; for these of our good citizens, suffice it to say that in this book we meet with the first and only serious attempt to assist the "Fatherland" more by disparaging her enemies less, but also by bringing her side of the story to the good people, the rank and file of Americans in the American Language! Moreover, by going into the various factors of the subject extensively, systematically, and scientifically! Civilized people cannot systematically believe in vilification, but it's just the best of physicians who use strong medicine at times, when intemperance and abuse have sent their poison coursing · through a body; the enemy must be met in his own lair by the employment of his own methods and weapons. We do not delight in giving a rascal of his own medicine, but sometimes this seems to be the only recourse. Germans, Austro-Hungarians and their sympathizers do not require an argument; all they have been expecting is facts, truths, fair play, justice! Now to those good Americans who sympathize with the European alignment of the opposition, permit me to say this solemn and serious word: the cause of your hearts-and .the people in Europe that represent this cause in a last human effort to force their will, have had easily ninety per cent of the attention of American periodicals, England having been in a position to reap the benefit of this, whether it was justly earned or not. Capital and diplomacy go far in such crises, especially so when they can be employed in the language of the country, in a country having similar institutions, having the same political ancestry, etc. Then consider the first offices of the nation that have easily a thousand social-political and family bonds in the United Kingdom to one in Germany or Austria! How many of German and Austrian birth or near lineage are in our Congress, in the Cabinet? You have the further tremendous advantage in the fact of your faith in democratic ideas and institutions, viewing all types of Socialists with a sense of sympathy, fear, or pity! Money, power, prestige, the popularity of the cause of the democratic alignment, with which you most naturally sympathize, the Talleyrand type of diplomacy, the more or less popular or catchy character of democratic literature, and finally, but by no means of less importance, the many things you know (?) and feel of what has happened and still is going on in Europe on the subject in question, which have neither foundation in fact nor truth! Therefore, let us be considerate and generous, and let us reason with you and appeal to you! Read at least such portions of the book as deal with the character and honor of the enemy! Let us show with a genuine pride that we have real chivalry! At least let us read the most excellent articles from Dr. Burgess, Dr. Schevill, Dr. Henderson, Dr. Fullerton, Dr. Sanborn, Judge Grosscup, and many others from equally prominent and worthy American scholars, and then let us talk the question over again. quietly! Read especially Chapter I on the Causes of the War, and look carefully into Germany's recent History. Let us show these nations at war that we Americans can at least show a spirit of Fair Play in an hour so trying to them! Not one of us would even have his personal enemy maligned or condemned without a fair trial! I venture to say that German sympathizers in America have learned much by having been obliged to content themselves with but a very meager sympathetic attention on the part of the American press. public utterances and the public spirit, and that they have had these things constantly before their eyes: it is not unlikely that you would reap a similar benefit by showing your good will and your spirit of fairness toward this question! ix This book promises to meet the requirements of the American public for honor at home and justice abroad, as suggested by Herman Ridder: "The feeling against Germany in this war in the United States is largely sentimental. It had its beginning in the violent utterance of British writers against the personality of the Emperor and in the greater pity for Belgium-harped so largely upon by England."Herman Ridder, in the New-Yorker Staats-Zeitung, Jan. 4, 1915. THE UNITED STATES AND THE WAR. Our Neutrality-Official and Popular. We have been most solemnly enjoined by the President to remain neutral during the European conflict, especially in that nobler, finer, subtle, spiritual neutrality. Accordingly we should refrain from speaking, yea, even from feeling and thinking partially on the subject, while many may be permitted to send munitions of war, when it is evident that only one side of the contestants can take advantage of such shipments! And this may be done while our foodstuff, clothing and shelter materials receive but shabby protection on their way to the civilian population of some of the belligerents! First, an element of the American press, pseudodemocratic and pro-British, did untold damage toward poisoning the innocent heart and mind of the American masses, and then, to cap the climax, we cannot prevent war munitions from going to the very maligners of a people whose case is still in court, and thus use us to add injury to insult to a people who have not yet had a full opportunity to be heard, and that is all they expect from a "Neutral" country! I often wonder if our American newspaper writers have ever read this proclamation! If they have, they certainly have not taken the President seriously. Of course, to send munitions of war, in the face of this proclamation, is, technically not unneutral, but hardly chivalrous, noble, American! But, to cap the real climax, that is reserved for an Englishman, a great rhetorician of fantastic figures of speech and a mental gymnast, Hall Caine: this man has the audacity to take it upon himself to reprove the President for his plea for strict neutrality and attempts to show Mr. Wilson, according to the reports of the local papers, how to work for justice, righteousness and humanity, by joining the British fighting forces! It is furthermore my plain duty to state here, now, and in unmistakable terms, that I have not been able to approve of all that individual and collective GermanAustrian sympathizers in this country have said or done in connection with the war. I shall speak of the various debatable questions in their proper, respective places in the Preface and also in the notes and in my articles in the book. The People and their Governments. Let us regard it our Moral Duty to try to understand that the People, especially in a non-democratic country, are much less or often very little to blame for governmental conduct: this applies especially to the People of Belgium, since I have it on good authority, from several sources, and from my own observations in Belgium, that the People were not to blame, for not even the general officials of all the three countries were "let in on the deal" of the secret "conversations." In one, a most flagrant case, not even a member of the British Parliament knew of the obligation to France, much less to Belgium! Are we surprised, therefore, when we hear of the resignations of high officials! I feel morally certain that. had it been left to the Belgian People to decide for themselves whether or not they should place their fate into the hands of Great Britain, they would have preferred to continue as they were, or at least consult Germany and Holland in regard to her course. Perhaps the German People would have done likewise, under ordinary circumstances, but once they understood the meaning of the alignment against them, without quibbling or exhortation, the German People would have voted war to a man! That is the difference; there is a reason! We Don't Want Germany to Win. One of the strongest reasons why people favor the sending of war materials to Germany's enemies, while dissatisfaction is heard everywhere because of the poor protection American shipments of food supplies for the German civilian population receive, is, as they say, "We don't want Germany to win"! Of course, they call that neutrality! The poll of the American press canvassed and reported by the Literary Digest showed the same spirit and results; it is the spirit of the country and the people, reflected by the press. Here neutrality ends; I do not want to be found guilty of this spirit and deed. I am merely trying to do justice; this is our plain duty, not to take sides, beyond championing fair play and justice! Whatever our efforts, then, they must make for honor at home and justice abroad! We would, furthermore, be loyal and responsible citizens, and, therefore, we always wish to be found in a position in which we can support any and every vital government policy without stint, with courage, patriotism, and spirit, without fear or favor. But as there is filial, so is there also parental responsibility. A democratic government must certainly expect its people to take part in shaping its policy in such a way that the people may support it loyally, at all times, without question; as a faithful citizen, I want to be in a position to say at any time that nothing will stop me from supporting my country; that is why I am making sacrifices with this study for our common good! Is this clear to you? It is American First, and if no declaration is made to the contrary, this policy should always be supported without question! This partisanship and the private interests at work in this country, making money by feeding the war-fire for more victims to the ghastly holocaust, have prolonged the frightful slaughter, and will continue to do so; many sensible people are now beginning to see that it is becoming more and more urgingly our duty to discontinue this sort of war-fare as neutrals, individually as well as collectively, since the inevitable result is becoming clearer from day to day! Why Our Position is Difficult. Let me mention some plain, practical reasons why the people of the United States have generally sympathized with the Democratic Alignment; certainly not because of, but assuredly in spite of our repeated disappointing experiences with Great Britain; compare, for instance, our relation with Germany, in history, with that of Great Britain! Consider the advantage of our common language, and consequently the power of the American press, though this is, in my humble judgment, not the only reason for the conduct of the press! Compare the similarity of our institutions and our governmental ancestry; in other words, democracy, and hence our sympathy, especially for France. But out of this grows also the peculiar democratic faith in numbers, majorities! The statement is general: "Why would so many be against Germany, if she were not wrong?" This is a question often asked in good faith. You know this is no uncommon argument, either in war between nations or political wars within the very borders of democratic countries. Of course, these people never heard of the great American Statesman who preferred to be right to being President! comes the natural, practical problem of getting something good for the papers! The American likes to be with the winning side, being an opportunist, hence_here he can make it count, there being much at stake! Don't shudder because of purely business interests involved, for the press: our domestic political relations, right here at home, are not even free from these considerations, how do you expect love to extend beyond national boundaries when we don't even find it at home; love as charity begins there! The Difficult Position of the Third Party. Then The careful manipulation of the series of events on the part of Germany's enemies, to bring her to a place where it was certain she would protest, and that by force. if need be, and to try to make out that she sought war, when she was seeking self-protection and the protection of her ally, only, ought to convince even the most prejudiced! The situation is always presented by Germany's enemies that Germany could have conciliated the question of Austria's rights and duties, as if to say, we are always ready to compromise or arbitrate any question in dispute with our neighbors. If this were sincere, why did not England call a halt on Russian mobilization! That would have settled it all, in one stroke, and England could have done this as easily as Germany, dealing with Austria in connection with Serbia, accomplishing the same end. And what offense had Germany committed in comparison to the Russian trick in mobilization! Or, why did France or Russia not arbitrate? There is one alternative: England's cause for war was just, Germany's not! Don't say Belgium! It is now common knowledge that England would not remain neutral, by her own admission in the Diplomatic Correspondence, even if Belgian territory were not invaded; and again, as for the respect for Belgian neutrality, which was by this time registered on a mere "scrap of paper," Great Britain made it clear in the famous "Conversations" that her 160,000 troops would land on the continent, Belgium willing or not, as anyone may see for himself in Chapter II of this book. What noble or righteous impulse has urged France into the war, anyway? Revenge; what more! And if Germany and Austria do not look after their own interests, which no one can understand better than they do themselves, who would? In short, if there was a lack of willingness to arbitrate the question, then the Allies certainly have enough sweeping to do at their doors! Why I Defend Germany. From Germany's reply to Grey, as to Germany's motives: "Germany is not fighting to subdue the continent, but for her own independence and the freedom of the seas, and for all nationals who are bulldozed by the English navy."-From the Milwaukee Free Press, who quoted from the Nord Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, March 27, 1915. My defense of the German cause, which is bound up with that of the Austro-Hungarian empire, is very simple, natural and reasonable; I am first of all a good American and have an honest and deep desire for genuine neutrality, according to the Spirit as well as the Letter of the Law. At least one American manufacturer has made a practical demonstration of his genuine neutrality, when he sets the example by refusing millions to contribute munitions of war. See Stevenson (John J.)—in the Index. This is what Mr. Stevenson says of this change in his life: "The last time we made war munitions was for the United States government about eight years ago. We manufactured about 119,000 shells." Then came the conversion, I take it! "I then joined Andrew Carnegie's Peace Society-and have been an active member ever since. It is so much better to make things that are useful to mankind than to make things that destroy mankind."-Thus speaks one of the American manufacturers, John J. Stevenson, President of the Driggs-Seabury Ordnance Corporation. See also: "Our Neutrality" in this circular. He is the noble President of the Driggs-Seabury Ordnance Corporation. Three cheers for Stevenson! It's a desire for Fair Play, for Justice! As usual for me, I am with the unpopular cause; and in this particular I am quite un-American for I glory in championing the maligned, the insulted, the hated person, institution or people, and especially so, when fear, revenge, power, ambition, are the Virtues arrayed against them, when such is the answer to an invitation to natural normal competition between the nations! What is the use to talk about neutrality when the spirit of the press and people is arrayed against them, even if we try to "toe the mark," according to the letter of the law, at Washington. Germans and Germany are human, however, and I am not defending them in their errors, wrongs or sins: I leave that to the teachers, the government, and the priest to the world-Tribunal, and their God: and as for pointing them out. I think I could hardly improve upon what has been done during the past eight months! It is the palpably one-sided situation in Spirit that is un-American, unfair, un-neutral! It is this that I deplore and denounce, and this I do as a faithful American! PREFACE This is a move in the right direction; why do not our millions of good Christian people who pompously talk "Humanity" set for themselves the personal, private, individual task and plain duty to convert more of these individuals to a full sense of the realization of what their business in the ammunition traffic means! The government cannot now well pass a specific enactment dealing with this question for reasons above stated, but we can make it a private question which will work as far, at least, as it works. A law by the Federal government, indicating the future policy on this point, will certainly be duly considered when the war is over. It is a little inopportune to discuss what we might have done or could do in the future. But very clearly and plainly we must see our present duty and responsibility. A great Mass-Meeting of Sympathizers for Germany and Austria in their present critical situation was held in Chicago, at the Auditorium, on the evening of August 5, 1914, for the purpose of calling upon the press and public to suspend judgment with respect to the responsibility for the present war until all the facts were learned. It was apparent that many Americans, through an anti-German press, had become prejudiced and, therefore, believed it was Germany, and especially the German emperor, that stirred up this great conflict. One of the speakers at this meeting said that the German sympathizers in the United States could best help Germany by spreading the truth concerning the war and its underlying causes among the American people. How was this to be done most effectively? Our book is so far the only satisfactory reply to this question. The meeting voiced the conviction that a book should be prepared in which would be presented articles selected from a mass of literature, choosing only that which would most adequately set forth the facts before our American audience. Unfortunately the German side of the great issue has not been generally understood owing to the fact that a large proportion of the Anglo-American press has given the causes and news of the war almost wholly from the English standpoint. This has been simply the continuation of a campaign of misrepresentation extending over many years. As Herman Ridder says, in the New-Yorker StaatsZeitung: "We should be a great deal better off and a great deal wiser if the press, instead of feeding us with the events and arguments of the moment, had gone back some thirty or forty years and reprinted the happenings which have intervened between then and now. The gradual development of Germany as a world power-the coincident and resultant growth of British jealousy-the last phase of Russia's aspirations-the play of French pride and chagrin-are all written therein." The Necessity of Our Efforts With This Book. Our efforts, then, with this undertaking are intended to throw weight into the balance, to even up our relations with the belligerents while at war. It is high time that the average reader have an opportunity to study an unprejudiced, systematic account of the series of events preceding the war as well as of the progress of it. Where would they go to obtain such an analysis if we did not assist them in this plain duty! The Task of Championing an Unpopular Cause. I am by no means unmindful of the seriousness of championing an unpopular cause! It is all the worse that the very people and nations that have made this cause unpopular are those same people that have been unwilling to see Germany prosper! But I have also great faith in the fundamental well-meaning of the American people at heart; therefore, I can approach them with perfect confidence in my appeal. What revelations when fact and truth of the case are known! I champion Germany's cause, moreover, because I now feel convinced more than ever that most of the cardinal sins of the calendar are at the bottom of her trials-jealousy, fear, revenge, ambition, conceit; ignor xi ance, ignoble spirit, sentimentality, short sightedness, and many others, but first and last jealousy! The ugly politics in the British-French Press Room Campaigns that represent a nation thus forced to fight for hearth and home as the aggressor, aiming at nothing short of world control, and to present her thus, when isolated and her very existence threatened, to ignorant and credulous mobs proclaiming a pseudo-democracy, when she is not in a position to defend herself-will ever be branded in History as among the meanest and dishonorable acts in International politics! Our Faith. What we gain by taking advantage of another's misfortune is twice lost. But where is our well-tried faith in Germany? Have the millions of Germans in this country and the thousands of American Students and scholars of German life, of German ideas and ideals, of German science and art, deceived us for all these years? Are the German civic pride, order, cleanliness, righteousness, efficiency only a sham, a make-belief? Are their domestic virility, their love for home and song, their science and philosophy, their unity and courage in trying hours, for the nation, their skill and patience in research, all a mere hallucination, a trick of civilization! If, on the other hand, our faith in the German people is abiding because of the eternal values in their ideas, thoughts and ideals, as we now know them for many generations, can we imagine that their kin in the fatherland are so different! To be sure, I must recognize one vital cause for a difference: owing to the necessity of unusual compromises in democratic countries, his more socialistic cousin in Germany has a decided advantage over him, as long as he has the good fortune of competent and honest public servants. Count this against them, if you like, but don't abuse them; wait until you know them to be worthy only of hate and scorn, by personal experience with them. Where then, is our faith in the honest, the sincere, the industrious, the idealistic, the music-loving, the patient, plodding German? Which do you think will be more abiding, the half-century of vital, real, first-hand experience with Germans and German life, or the reputation Germany's enemies have given her through unspeakably abusive, insulting and even heinous accusations, during the heat of passion, many of which have been found to have been malicious lies, still more inflamed by many hysterical and fanatical war-news-garblers? Take your answer to your God! Therefore, above and beyond all clamor of the pressing hour, I pray God that I may retain my Faith in Germany, at least until the Historian, all the witnesses, the judge and a God-fearing jury and God, with them all, have passed on her case, instead of her bitterest, most self-interested enemies, and their American confrères alone! Yet, in the meantime, is it not our plain duty to see to it that they do not get entirely away with the scheme, resorted to at the expense of millions of innocent sufferers, of men, women and children! come. Note what Dr. Burgess has to say of the situation: "This is no time and no subject, when or upon which, one should speak lightly, ignorantly, or with prejudice. It is one of the world's most serious moments and the views and sympathies now formed will determine the course of the world's development for many years to Heavy indeed, is the responsibility which he incurs who would assume the rôle of teacher at this juncture, and it is his first duty to present the credentials which warrant his temerity."-From the article, "WHY I CHAMPION GERMANY," by John W. Burgess, Ph. D., LL. D., J. U. D. Dean of the Faculties of Political Science, and of Philosophy, Pure Science and Fine Arts at Columbia University. How the Problem of the Working Out of the Idea Was Conceived-What the Object Was. I finally conceived my problem to be the editingchronologically, systematically, and from point of view of the evolution and meaning of important world-events in connection with the present European crisis and the political life related to it, since July 24th, 1914-that is, from the time of the assassination of the Archduke and the Duchess of the Austro-Hungarian empire- the choicest articles, Editorials, Comment, Reflections of the press, from Social and Political Life, etc.; also from the Lecture Hall, Debates, including my own articles on various topics, Preface, Notes, Comment, etc., and from every available source-with the one hope of presenting the German-Austrian cause, to the end, as outlined in the preceding paragraph. Our readers will find the European problems presented in War Echoes quite up-to-date, up to the first week in July-therefore, including the Lusitania Literature, Italy coming into the war, and the other important current events up to that time. The plan of the book is simple and unique. The first part deals with the Causes, the second with Belgium, the third with the Nations, the fourth with the War and the last chapter with Reflections or Philosophy. Expanded we have: The Causes of the War, the Case of Belgium, The Nations Concerned, By the Laws of War, and On the Philosophy of the War. THE MAIN FEATURES AND The book has a beautiful and most appropriate coverpicture of the Kaiser and Francis Joseph together; it has also a beautiful Frontispiece, a "Barbarian" feeding Belgian children; an extensive analytical Table of Contents; a special List of Contributors; Subjects indicated at top of Pages; a General Table of Contents of parts of War Echoes; a complete Index, by title, author, and subject or subjects; it is beautifully and extensively Illustrated; has plenty of good Maps. There is also a list of sympathetic periodicals listed at the end of the book. The special Features are highly commendable to our patrons for convenience and assistance in the use of the book, and I am certain they will be appreciated. The analytical Table of Contents, for instance, shows at a glance the field covered, the nature of treatment, method and the relative value given to various subjects, etc. The extensive Index may be consulted for reading special topics, or it may be employed for reference purposes only. On the other hand, the book contains some of the choicest creative literature by some of the ablest men in the country; these articles are arranged to assist in carrying out the idea of the book, as made clear in other paragraphs of this circular and leads naturally other paragraphs of this Preface and leads naturally at the top of the pages. In short, War Echoes is a kind of Year-Book on all of the big questions relative to the war since July, 1914. The entire selection and arrangement of Illustrations and Maps have been made from the point of view of reinforcing appeals and arguments, and adds to the value of the book as a study and as literature. Many attacks on Germany have appeared in American publications of general circulation. A number of the articles dealing with these attacks have been inIcluded in War Echoes, and the reader, referring to footnotes, will be directed to passages in the book which successfully refute these charges. By following these cross references the reader will be assisted in his efforts to clarify many European questions. In regard to responsibility for Facts, Sentiments, Truth, Data, Places, Authorship, Omissions, Additions, etc., the Editor can only speak for his own articles, discussions, notes and comment in War Echoes; outside of this, the responsibility ends with the faithful reproduction of articles from others, by giving full credit; and wherever exact reproduction was impracticable, he has duly explained any deviations from this principle. HOW TO USE THE INDEX. A word in regard to The Use of The Index may not be amiss here: You may turn to The Index in perfect confidence when in quest of any of the vital topics or questions that have occupied our attention in regard to the war most of the year; follow the alphabetic order strictly. ON THE USE OF WAR ECHOES. Besides serving the evident purposes of a book of this kind, and those already indicated, War Echoes will also serve well as a Reference Book, because of an exceptionally well-worked-out Index and other tabulated and analyzed synopses of parts or phrases of the book. There is also much creative and recreative literature in our War Echoes that is simply invaluable, because it could not be produced under any other circumstances, for fame or money, than those under which it came about. The Reader also has a record of current events of the year, or a year book on the war, as one may say. INDEBTEDNESS. Besides our acknowledged indebtedness in other sections of the book to all special sympathizers with our efforts, such as all the German publishers in the United States or in Europe, whether the publications appear in their native tongue or in the American language, the Editor of War Echoes is more than pleased with the way his approaches to other publishers for sympathy and co-operation were received. Here are also included all the Irish publications he knows of and the Milwaukee Free Press. Among the magazine publishers, we might especially mention The New Republic, The Literary Digest, Collier's Weekly, The Open Court; among the newspapers, The Chicago Tribune and The Chicago Evening News. The Editor is sorry to state that in many cases publishers failed to respond to his repeated inquiries on this point. Our patrons will render us an especial service by reporting anything in connection with the book that ought to come to our attention for explanation or cor rection. THE EDITOR, George William Hau, FIRST CHAPTER CAUSES OF THE WORLD WAR POPULAR NOTIONS AS TO THE CAUSE CAUSES MORE REMOTE AND RECENT-SUBTLE AND APPARENT CAUSES OCCASIONS AND CAUSES MORE REMOTE CAUSES THE EARLY DISTINCTION OF PRUSSIA SKETCHING THE EVOLUTION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE-BISMARK The Balkan Situation-Pan-Slavism Here we find the Crux of the Frightful Cataclysm of the War IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR From the Time of the Assassination of the Archduke and Duchess of Austria MODERN DIPLOMACY ESPECIALLY "SECRET" DIPLOMACY Discussion of General and Special Diplomatic Correspondence Further Causes-Less Directly Related to the War-Popularly not suspected of being Causes at all Wars are Inevitable on Earth |