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sulle nostre piazze. Siffatta unione è us and while their battalions were il primo passo sulla via del nuovo marching across our squares. Such diritto pubblico che ridona alle nazioni a union is the first step on the path l'arbitrio di sè medesime. L'eroico of a new public law which gives back esercito di Vostra Maestà e quello del to the nations the arbitrament of generoso vostro Alleato, che proclamò their own destinies. The heroic army che l'Italia dev'essere libera dall'Alpi of Your Majesty and that of Your sino all'Adriatico, compiranno in generous Ally, who proclaimed that breve la magnanima impresa.

Italy should be free from the Alps to the Adriatic, will shortly complete the

magnanimous enterprise. Gradite intanto, Sire, l'omaggio Until then, Sire, accept the homche la città di Milano vi manda per age which the city of Milan tenders mezzo nostro, e credete che una è la you through us, and be assured that voce che esce da tutti i cuori, uno il there is but one voice speaking from grido nostro: Viva il Re! Viva lo Viva il Re! Viva lo all hearts, but one cry:

Long live Statuto! Viva l'Italia!

the King! Long live the Constitu

tion! Long live Italy!Milano, il 5 giugno 1859.

Milan, June 5, 1859. Gli assessori municipali: ALBERTO Municipal Assessors: ALBERTO DI DI HERRA — MASSIMILIANO DE LEVA HERRA – MASSIMILIANO DE LEVA —


- Achille ROUGIER - SILVA, SecSILVA, segretario.


The Communal Council of Milan Ratifies the Vote of the Municipal

Congregation. June 6, 1859 1

Radunatisi oggi in via d'urgenza il The Communal Council of the city Consiglio comunale di questa città, ed summoned to-day in haste and ininformato delle disposizioni prese formed of the resolution taken by the dalla Congregazione municipale in Municipality in consequence of the conseguenza degli attuali straordinari extraordinary events which have eventi, il medesimo ha prese per ac- transpired, has adopted by acclamaclamazione le seguenti deliberazioni, tion the following resolutions, of di cui la prima e la seconda fra le which the first and the second were grida unanimi da parte dei numerosi given with the unanimous acclamaintervenuti di: Viva il Re! Viva tions of the great number of those l'Italia! e Viva l’Imperatore Napo- who attended : Long live the King! leone!

i Le Assemblee, vol. 1, p. 264.

Long live Italy! and Long live the

Emperor Napoleon!I. Il Consiglio comunale approva

I. The Communal Council apl'operato della Congregazione munici- proves the action of the Municipality pale e fa proprio l'indirizzo di omag- and sanctions the address of homage gio da lei spedito a S. M. il Re Vit- sent by it to H. M. King Victor torio Emanuele II, incaricandola di Emanuel II, instructing the congregafar pervenire alla lodata M:S. un tale tion to send to Your Majesty a simivoto della civica rappresentanza. lar vote passed by the representatives

of the citizens.

Milano, 6 giugno 1859.

Milan, June 6, 1859.

Proclamation of Victor Emanuel to the People of Lombardy 1

Milano, 9 giugno 1859. POPOLI DI LOMBARDIA !

La vittoria delle armi liberatrici mi conduce fra Voi.

Ristaurato il diritto nazionale, i Vostri voti raffermano l'unione col mio regno, che si fonda nelle guarentigie del vivere civile.


The triumph of the armies of liberation brings me amongst you.

The national right restored, your votes have reaffirmed the union with my kingdom, which is founded on the guarantees of civilized life.

Dal Quartiere Generale principale in Milano.

From the General Headquarters at Milan.



1 Zini, Storia d'Italia, vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 157.



Dispatch of Lord John Russell to Earl Cowley, British Ambassador at Paris,

Containing the British Proposal of the Four Points" 1

Foreign Office, January 15, 1860. MY LORD:

It appears from the present aspect of affairs, that either the Congress will not meet at all, or that, if it should meet, it must be divided by irreconciliable differences of opinion.

Between the doctrine that it will be the duty of a Congress to restore the authority of the Pope in Romagna, and the doctrine that no force ought to be used to impose a Government or Constitution on the people of Central Italy, there can be no agreement.

Her Majesty's Government, hopeless of arriving at any general consent by means of the Congress, have taken into their serious deliberation the possibility of devising some means by which the external and internal independence of Italy might, according to the preamble of the Treaty of Zurich, be placed upon solid and durable bases.

It is clear that the occupation of Rome and Bologna by the troops of France and Austria during a period of unprecedented length in the history of foreign occupations, has added a danger instead of creating a security. At Bologna, no sooner were the Austrian troops withdrawn, than the people of all classes, the highest as well as the lowest, abjured the temporal authority of the Holy See. At Rome the wise councils which have from time to time been given by the occupying Power have been rejected or neglected, and the basis of a beneficent administration, calculated to secure the affections of the people, has yet to be laid.

After the melancholy experience of ten years, ending in a sanguinary war between the two Powers which jointly occupied the Roman States, is it not time to resort to other means of pacification more consonant to the general law of Europe, less provocative of discontent, and less calculated to sow the seeds of war?

Her Majesty's Government are greatly encouraged in such an attempt by the communications they have received both from Paris and Vienna.

1 British Parliamentary Papers, Affairs of Italy (2636), p. 4.

In accepting the invitation of France to attend a Congress you were instructed to say, that “Her Majesty's Government, in adverting to the correspondence which has passed between the Governments of Great Britain and France since the signature of the Preliminaries of Villafranca, find that the Emperor of the French has repeatedly declared himself opposed to the employment of force for the purpose of restoring the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of Modena.

Her Majesty's Government rely implicitly upon these declarations, and they consider that an interference by external force to restore the authority of the Pope in Romagna would be no less opposed to the views and intentions of the Emperor of the French, than forcible intervention in the Duchies."

When your Lordship read this despatch to Count Walewski, and placed a copy of it in his Excellency's hands, no exception was taken to this statement. On the contrary, you report that when you placed a copy of the despatch in Count Walewski's hands, his Excellency, in thanking you for the communication, expressed the pleasure which the assent of Her Majesty's Goyernment

gave him.

The accuracy of the representation of the intentions of the Emperor of the French, given in my despatch, is thus amply confirmed.

Upon this foundation, Her Majesty's Government rest their hope that propositions to the following effect might be accepted by the Emperor of the French:

1. That France and Austria should agree not to interfere for the future by force in the internal affairs of Italy, unless called upon to do so by the unanimous assent of the Five Great Powers of Europe.

2. That in pursuance of this agreement the Emperor of the French should concert with His Holiness the Pope as to the evacuation of Rome by the troops of France. The time and manner of that evacuation to be so arranged as to afford the Papal Government sufficient opportunity to garrison Rome with the troops of His Holiness, and to take every precaution against disorder and outrage.

We trust that by previous arrangement and due preparation, the security of His Holiness might be fully provided for.

Arrangements to be made for the evacuation of Northern Italy by the troops of France at a convenient period.

3. The internal government of Venetia not to be in any way matter of negotiation between the European Powers.

4. Great Britain and France to invite the King of Sardinia to agree not to send troops into Central Italy until its several States and Provinces shall, by a new vote of their Assemblies, after a new election, have solemnly declared their wishes as to their future destiny. Should that decision be in favour of annexation to Sardinia, Great Britain and France will no longer require that Sardinian troops should not enter those States and Provinces. You will read this despatch to M. Baroche, and give him a copy of it.

I am, &c.

(Signed) J. RUSSELL.

Dispatch of Lord John Russell to Sir James Hudson, British Minister at

Turin ?

Foreign Office, February 6, 1860. IDIR:

You will observe that the French Government, in agreeing to the fourth proposal of Her Majesty's Government, make a reserve as to the mode in vhich the vote of the people of Central Italy is to be taken.

So far as Her Majesty's Government are concerned, our views would be satisfied if the actual law or practice of Tuscany, Modena, Parma, and Romagna were observed.

We have never adopted universal suffrage for ourselves, and if that suffrage is proposed by France, we should leave the different States and Provinces to decide for themselves, both as to who should be the electors, and as to the mode of election.

We have chiefly in view an election, not carried by intimidation, nor partaking of the excitement of the first outburst of the national feeling for independence.

I am, &c.

(Signed) J. RUSSELL.

Proposition made by Thouvenel to Talleyrand for Transmission to the Sar

dinian Government 2

Paris, le 24 février, 1860. M. LE BARON,

Paris, February 24, 1860. M. LE BARON,

En calculant toutes choses, M. le Taking everything into consideraBaron, avec la ferme intention de tion, M. le Baron, with the firm inrechercher entre toutes les solutions tention of selecting among all solu

1 British Parliamentary Papers, Affairs of Italy (2636), p. 36. 2 Ibid. (2638), pp. 10–12.

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