Although a large portion of the funds of the Society is derived from annual collections in the churches on or about the Fourth of July, the Managers have learnt with surprise, that some Clergymen and Congregations have declined uniting in such collections, on the ground that the Society is not, in their view, a strictly Religious Institution. But is an Institution the less religious because while it conduces positively, powerfully, and extensively, to promote the moral welfare of men, it confers on them likewise the highest temporal blessings? Is the Colonization Society less a religious Institution because while establishing in Africa the Christian Religion, and dispensing far and wide among heathen tribes its inestimable benefits, it relieves the temporal distresses, and improves the intellectual, social, and political condition of a numerous class of mankind? If Christianity requires as duty of those who profess it, efforts for the eternal interests of men, it no less plainly enforces the duty of promoting their temporal advantage. If the former is to be done, the latter should not be left undone; and no Institution can be more Christian than that which contributes to the accomplishment of both. Whether the means by which these objects are accomplished be direct or indirect, is of no importance, provided they be judicious, and not prohibited by the Divine Word.

But it may be said, though the Society proposes, it is true, a good end, the means used to effect it are unjustifiable. And what are these means? From its origin, the Society has addressed itself with facts and arguments to the understandings and hearts of the American people.Believing the plan adopted by it, worthy of universal approbation, all its purposes and measures have been disclosed to the public. It has sought the best information in regard to the country to be colonized, and presented the results of its inquiries fully and promptly to the community. The great benefits expected from the enterprise of the Society to those who remove, to the United States, and to Africa, have been depicted and held up for observation to excite and secure the means for its execution. The condition and prospects of the

Free People of Colour in this country, and what they may reasonably anticipate in Africa, have been truly represented as a sufficient reason why they should consent, and be assisted, to emigrate. The proceedings of the Board of Managers and of their Agents in Africa, are regularly published; all donations acknowledged, and an account rendered annually, exhibiting the manner in which the funds have been expended. Every thing is fair, free, and open, in the design and operations of the Society. It interferes with no rights, violates no obligations, gives assistance to such only as choose to emigrate, and depends for all its resources upon the free-will offerings of the community. It has no power but its moral influence, no strength but in public opinion.

If it be objected that the Society has sought aid from the National Government, to this it may be replied that in its application it has been sustained by the opinions of nearly half of the State Legislatures in the Union, that it has presuméd Congress to know its own powers, and that it has solicited such aid only as in the judgment of Congress might be constitutionally granted.

The third objection is, that the plan of the Society is impracticable.

That a colony of free coloured people can be established at a small expense and prosper in Africa, is no longer problematical, but is already demonstrated by the Society. Such a colony is established. Many desire to emigrate, and their removal and settlement in Liberia may surely with additional means be effected. Sufficient territory can be obtained, and at no great expense, to accommodate, and if properly cultivated, to subsist, the entire coloured population of the United States. If the scheme of the Society on a large scale then be impracticable, it must be on account either of the African climate creating an indisposition to emigrate, or destroying those who emigrate, or from inability to command the necessary funds. But in truth, under all the disadvantages inevitable in founding a colony, with scanty means,

in an untried climate, and a remote, rude, uncleared country, no such mortality has occurred in Liberia as to prevent emigration, or excite apprehension for the safety and progress of the Colony. The experience of the Society proves conclusively as the Managers have before said that the great mass of our coloured people are little exposed to danger by a transition to Africa, and every successive year as the country becomes more open, settlements established in the interior, and the diseases and their cause better understood, this danger will diminish. No people (it has been often remarked) enjoy health more uniformly than the natives of Africa: hence no occasional mortality (should it occur) among the new settlers, can long retard greatly the growth the Colony. It is morally certain that a disposition among our free coloured population to secure the advantages of the Colony will increase as these advantages and a knowledge of them increase, which must surely be the result of greater regularity and frequency of commercial intercourse.

It has been thought by some that pecuniary resources adequate to the accomplishment of this great work could not be obtained. To say nothing of the fact that in the progress of this work the expense of removal (already reduced, including a subsistence for six months in Liberia, to thirtyfive dollars for each emigrant) must be greatly diminished, and of the certainty that when the tide of opinion shall strongly set among the people of colour in favour of emigration many will defray their own expenses, the sum annually saved in the State of New York, as reported by the New York Temperance Society, by the reduction in the sales of ardent spirits would transport more than the whole annual increase of the coloured population of the United States.And will any one believe that for a great national and philanthropic object of lasting interest to this country and Africa; individuals, the States, and the National Government united cannot raise a fund equal to that, saved by the partial disuse of ardent spirits, in a single state?

A noble-minded individual in Kentucky has just subscri

bed a thousand dollars a year for ten years to the Society, and expressed the hope that ten other individuals, at least, might be found disposed to make similar subscriptions.Were all the friends to this Institution to give an equal proportion according to their means, annual funds would be secured sufficient to carry forward this enterprise to a complete and glorious consummation. But if the enterprise be deemed, as the Board think it may, strictly national, the powers of the States. and of Congress, may be invoked and granted to effect it. And here the Managers feel it their duty to say that some of the most eminent and experienced statesmen in the country, have expressed the opinion, that an appropriation of a portion of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands would be the aid most unexceptionable and the most effective that could be devised. Nor should it be forgotten that whatever appropriations may be made by Government for this object would in great part be expended in giving employment to our shipping and to citizens of the United States.

Before closing this Report, the Managers would suggest one or two reasons, which should at this time especially arouse the efforts, and call forth the liberal contributions of its friends.

And First, The public mind, as has been before remarked, is strongly and very generally excited on the subject presented in this Report. Events, not soon to be forgotten, have forced it upon public attention; and the spirit of inquiry concerning what should and can be done in regard to it is universal. This then is the time when the friends of the Society may most successfully bring its principles, history and measures, before the American people. They may now be sure of a hearing, and expect that the facts and arguments they propose will be generally and deeply considered.

Second. Not only is this subject attracting attention and awakening inquiry, but the general current of opiniora is plainly setting in favour of the plan of the Society. Miany

who have but partially reflected upon it, are inclining to a friendly judgment, and only require additional information to fix them in the resolution of yielding to it their support. The season then is auspicious, much may be done by well directed efforts, and the friends of the Society have it in their power, with comparative ease, to secure the countenance and aid of the nation. The Board trust that Auxiliary Societies, and all who desire the prosperity of the Institution, will improve the advantages of the crisis, for augmenting its funds and extending its usefulness. Let them not be silent while the nation listens and is ready to consider every reason that can be adduced in behalf of their cause.

Though encouragements for activity among the friends of the Society are numerous and great, yet it should not be concealed that another reason for such activity is found in the zeal and efforts of its enemies. That there are a few who boldly denounce the Society's principles and proceedings, as inhuman and unchristian, and that they are deeply intent upon destroying its reputation, is not less true, than that disappointment awaits them, should those who have both the disposition and means stand forth to repel their attacks. A correct statement of facts will counteract their influence, and be convincing evidence, that the Society is aiming to accomplish a virtuous end by virtuous means; an end perfectly attainable with the public patronage and the favour of Heaven. Let the friends of the Society then proceed with renewed hope and vigour in their work. They are urged to do this by the signs of the times, the state of public sentiment, by ten thousand human voices, and the more solemn, and scarcely less audible voice of God. They are summoned to do this by interest and compassion; by duty and charity; by the most sacred obligations, and the most touching appeals. The suffering of one land, and the more miserable of anothr, put in their united claims. America, glorying in her freedom, stretches out her hand to the work; and Africa, in tear's and in chains, looks to it as her hope and salvation.