mankind and the cause of God, if these entitle the dead to the remembrances of the living, the name and the virtues of Dr. Anderson are secure from oblivion. He has gone indeed to that blest company, who have cheerfully sacrificed life in the work of benevolence and the service of Christ, but whose example survives them and shall stand as a memorial of them unto all generations.

Nor here can the Managers pass without notice, the decease of the Rev. George M. Erskine, a man of colour from the State of Tennessee and a minister in the Presbyterian Church, from whose exemplary and pious efforts, great good was reasonably expected. Originally a slave, Mr. Erskine, by his industry and good conduct, obtained both his own freedom and that of his family, and, with few advantages of education, the ability to preach the gospel in a respectable and useful manner. A deep concern for the welfare of his Brethren, induced him to emigrate to Liberia, and his death must be regarded as one of those events, the reasons for which are mysteriously concealed by the Divine Wisdom from the understandings of mortals.

On the 4th of March, after a passage of five months, (the ignorance of the Captain who had engaged to transport them having compelled the Agent to abandon his vessel and charter a British Brig at the Island of Barbadoes) arrived at the Colony ninety-one recaptured Africans sent out by the Government of the United States. These persons, together with the emigrants by the Liberia and Montgomery, have been settled for the present at Caldwell and in its vicinity; and of the slaves emancipated by Mr. Early, only two small children, and of the ninety-one recaptured Africans not an individual died, from the effects of climate. Of the latter (who had been residing in the state of Georgia) "I cannot perceive (says the Agent) that the climate has any effect upon them. They have all been placed on lands assigned to them, and have already constructed twenty superior country houses, thatched in a manner peculiar to them

selves and far surpassing those of the natives. As regards the old ones of this class, I consider them as the most independent men whom we have. Could you behold their neat town of New Georgia, you would be delighted, and could hardly believe that these were the individuals, who when in the United States in a state of bondage had no thought for the morrow. They supply our town with vegetables, mellons, fowls, &c. &c. The readiness with which their sales have been effected, has given a spur to their industry."

The Colonial Agent, Dr. Mechlin, in hopes that his health might be improved by the voyage, returned to the United States in the month of May. A relaxation from his labours, and the air of his native land, soon restored his strength; and having enjoyed for several months the society of his friends, communicated much valuable information to the Board of Managers, conferred with them and received their instructions on all subjects relative to the affairs of the Colony, he took passage for Liberia on the 20th of October.

During his absence, the duties of the Colonial Agency, were, after the death of Dr. Anderson, performed by the Vice-Agent, Mr. Anthony D. Williams, in a faithful, prudent and energetic manner.

The visit of Mr. Francis Devany, one of the earliest and most respectable of the Colonists, to the United States during the last spring, afforded the Managers and the public an opportunity to learn from a man of colour, worthy of entire confidence, many interesting facts in regard to the feelings, condition and prospects of the settlers in Liberia. Mr. Devany arrived in Washington at the time when a memorial of the Society to Congress, was under the consideration of a Committee of that body, and at the request of the Chairman of that Committee, several gentlemen from both Houses assembled to hear his testimony, in reply to the various questions proposed to him concerning the state, interests, and progress of the Colony. Mr. Devany stated that the health and morals of the Colo

I am persuaded, Sir, that here is a point on which I do not say, that our Society should lay its greatest stress and its most sanguine hopes(for our Society has nothing to do directly with the question of slavery,) but I do say that it is a point, on which they, who desire the abolition of slavery in our country, should lay their greatest stress and their most sanguine hopes. The principle is almost as true in relation to our blacks, as it is to water. They cannot rise above their source. They cannot rise in our esteem above the level of the moral state of the land of their origin-for we are ever associating them with that land, which is their appropriate, their only home. But let Africa become civilized, and there will be the same moral impossibility in the way of our continuing to hold her children in bondage, that we should have to encounter in an attempt to reduce Englishmen or Frenchmen to bondage on our shores. It is because Africa is too ignorant to know that we wrong her. It is because her debasement is so great, that she is insensible to the shame we pour upon her, that we presume to hold her and her people so cheap.Whilst the honor of civilized nations is alive to the least indignities cast upon their subjects-poor Africa might say, in the language of inspiration: "They have stricken me, and I was not sick; they have beaten me, and I felt it not-when shall I awake?"

We admit that in this way, that is, through the renovation of Africa, the Colonization Society may exert an important influence on the question of slavery-an influence, which may yet compass the abolition of slavery in our land. But, mark you, Sir, it is a way that leads through a change-through the willingness of the master's mind, and, therefore, he cannot object to it. Whilst the Society protests that it has no designs on the rights of the master in the slave-or the property in his slave, which the laws guarantee to him-it does nevertheless admit, and joyfully admit, that the successful prosecution of the object of the Society must produce moral influences and moral changes leading to the voluntary emancipation of the slave, not only in our country, but throughout the world.

I am aware, that there are persons, whom it does not satisfy to know, that our Society has no other object but the removal of our present and future free black population to Africa. The Colonization Society is an offensive Institution to them, because, as they maintain, it agitates the question of slavery. Such persons are unwilling to have the subject of 'slavery considered even in its most abstract form. But, Sir, the subject of slavery is one, that will be considered: it will be felt on, and thought on, and spoken on. We must first blow out the lights of this age, and turn backward the swift wheel of improvement, and quench the spirit, that is now so fearlessly searching out abuses both in the old world and the new, before such a subject as slavery can be prevented from coming under the public consideration. And the slave-holder, so far from having just cause to

complain of the Colonization Society, has reason to congratulate himself, that in this Institution a channel is opened up, in which the public feeling and public action can flow on, without doing violence to his rights. The closing of this channel might be calamitous to the slave-holder beyond his conception: for the stream of benevolence that now flows so innocently in it, might then break out in forms even far more disastrous than Abolition Societies, and all their kindred and ill-judged measures.

It is deeply painful to see how slow the people of our country are to wake up to this subject—a subject having such strong claims on their humane and patriotic and christian feelings. A single glance at these claims, shows that I do not overrate them. I ask, which is the most fruitful, infinitely most fruitful, source of our political dissensions? Do I hear our Southern brethren say, as some of them are accustomed to say "the North has nothing to do with this subject of black population—and all their solicitude about it, is meddling and officious." I reply, the North has something to do with this subject. The evil is ours as well as theirs; the multitude of blacks in our towns in the North attests, that we have a share in this evil. The fact, that although the black population in our Northern States is probably not more than a fortieth part of our whole population, yet, that about one-sixth to one-fourth of our convicts and paupers are blacks, attests that we have a share in this evil. The severe legislation, (I will not say, that, under all the circumstances, it is too severe)— the severe legislation of the slave states, which drives their emancipated blacks into the free states and scatters the nuisance there, attests that we have a share in this evil. And I ask in all kindness, if, in view of this legislation, it is not with an ill grace that Southern lips rebuke our complaints of this evil? But we will take a more elevated and patriotic view of the subject to show, that the free States share with the slave States in this immeasurable evil. The members of our Republic are so intimately united, that in the language of the Apostle: "whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it." And when the Northern traitor to the Union says, "let the Southern tier of States, with this immeasurable evil upon them, separate from the Union"-we reply, that the patriot, who loves his country, would as soon consent to lose a member of his person as a portion of that territory, the whole of which is consecrated to his affections-in view of the whole of which it is, that he exclaims with the Poet:

"This is my own, my native land."

And how important is it, as it respects our character abroad, that we hasten to clear our land of our black population? We boast, that our country is the great moral and political light-house of the world, whose beams are guiding the nations of the earth to freedom and happiness. But how much brighter would those beams shine-how much more consistent and powerful would be our example, but for that population with.

in our limits, whose condition, (necessary condition, I will not deny) is so much at war with our institutions, and with that memorable national declaration-"that all men are created equal."

In conclusion, what cause is so well suited as the American Colonization Society, to make a powerful appeal to the American Christian? For it is not only the 2,000,000 of blacks in our country, whose spiritual interests it invites him to serve-but it is the hundred millions of immortal beings in Africa, to whom it gives him access. And Africa must be Christianized. When I look at the sins of our country against her, I feel how needful it is for our own sake, that she be Christianized-that she be taught that divine art of forgiveness, which belongs to the Christian only. Mr. Smith then offered the following resolution, which was adopted.

Resolved, That the American Colonization Society commends itself to great favor by the immense benefits it is conferring on Africa, and by the happy and powerful influences which these benefits must reflect on the direct operations of the Society.

Mr. DODDRIDGE, of Virginia, said,

Mr. PRESIDENT: Not being a delegate to this meeting, I hardly know whether I have a right to offer a Resolution. I have not risen to make an address but to offer a few remarks of a general nature. I have heard much which I highly approve and some things, the utterance of which I regret. Enough has passed to convince all of the duty to aid the designs of this Society. Enough has been said and done by this Society to demonstrate the practicability of its scheme, at no very remote period. While convinced of the duty to promote this enterprise, the means and the constitutionality of applying them are plain and obvious. You, Sir, know that this is not an opinion of mine, of to-day, or of yesterday. Circumstances lead me to mention one historical fact, new perhaps to some. Whatever may be the opinions of others, and of your fellow-citizens of Virginia, as to the necessity and morality of acting, and as to the means required and to be sought, there was a time when the Legislative Councils of Virginia were unanimous. Twenty-three, twenty-five, and twenty-seven years ago, Resolutions were adopted by both Houses of the General Assembly of Virginia, in secret session, which had for their object to call on the President of the United States, to use the treaty-making power, for the acquisition of a Territory in Africa, which might contain the black population of the United States. You have seen the record of these votes, by which, in solemn secret session, the united Councils of Virginia decided as to the duty of acting and the modus operandi. Fifteen years ago the power of the General Government was invoked by Virginia for this object, with almost Legislative unanimity. I deem it unnecessary to add to what has been already said. This Resosolution will look to the means of acting. While it acknowledges the in adequacy of the present means of the Society, it in