needed reform. "Its thorough worldliness and the ever-increasing rigidity and unintelligible formalism of its dogmas and observances required reform; while the interference of the Papal court, which was not only oppressive in a pecuniary sense by consuming all the surplus revenue, but destructive of the unity and independence of the nation, made it not less essential to the national interests." No unjustifiable measures were resorted to. The discords were inevitable, since " no momentous crisis in the life of a great nation was ever unaccompanied by this stormy shock of conflicting opinions." The supremacy of the principle of unity was still acknowledged amidst all the divisions. A national assembly had been resolved upon exclusively for religious topics. "A nobler prospect for the unity of the nation, and for the further progress of the German people in the career they had already entered upon, certainly never presented itself." The influences which opposed this solemn assembly were, in truth, those which broke the bond of the national unity: they were these the see of Rome opposed it on the grounds of self-preservation: it won over to its cause ally after ally in Germany. The congress of Regensburg, June, 1524, was substituted for the promised one at Spire, the spirit of which was directly at variance with the national meeting proposed at Spire. Luther's books were once more forbidden, though reforms were promised in the Catholic Church. Ranke adds that the resolutions of this congress were the first effects of the principles of the Reformation in reviving the profounder spirit of modern Catholicism, which is, in fact, based upon them; though "neither in depth of religious intuition, in the genius which produces a permanent impression on remote nations and ages, or in force and intensity of enthusiasm, could they be compared to those movements which took their name from Luther, and of which he was the centre." Charles V. was gained over at Rome: he did not hesitate in the choice of his party for a moment. "On the 27th of July he despatched to the empire a proclamation entirely in favour of the Pope," and forbad the national assembly. Persecutions now commenced in those countries which had combined to pass the resolutions of Regensburg. In Bavaria priests were ejected and nobles driven from their estates. Severities were practised throughout the Austrian dominions: similar scenes were going on in all parts of the country. "We read of preachers nailed to the pillory by the tongue, so that, in order to get free, they were forced to tear themselves away, and were thus mutilated for life." The reforming party, however, preserved still the greater portion of

its former adherents whilst it acquired many new ones. The state of things is thus summed up :

"The empire had determined to hold a general deliberation on the important affair which occupied the whole mind of the nation. The Pope succeeded in preventing the execution of this project, and in drawing a certain number of the German sovereigns into a partial combination in his own favour; but the others still pursued the path they had entered upon, conformably with the laws of the empire. They were, indeed, forced to renounce the general assembly, since the emperor so peremptorily forbad it; but they were not so easily persuaded to relinquish the old decrees of the empire. They were determined to abide by the provisions of the Recess of 1523, which, in spite of a few additions and amendments, had, in the main, been confirmed in 1524. Such was the origin of a division which has never since been healed-which has constantly been kept open by the same foreign influences that originally caused it. It is very remarkable that all the different party leanings, which have lasted through successive centuries, manifested themselves thus early."

Events soon proved the incalculable amount of danger with which they were pregnant. The peasants' war followed from them; for there was no longer a powerful government—it was the mere shadow of a name. The emperor was at a distance; the spiritual and temporal hierarchies were separated by a chasm wide and deep; the sovereigns were at variance. The scenes of the peasants' war are thus easily accounted for. We can only, however, state its results, referring to the history itself for what cannot be read without interest and instruction. The conflicts between the elements of German society were at an end by the issue of this war. The rebellious peasantry, as the knights before them, had been put down: the local powers, the growth of ages, had withstood all storms, and had stood fast amidst the ruin of all central authority. However, peace was not restored, nor any one of the great questions of the age decided. This rebellion was put down, but the old antipathies broke out with fresh vioÎence. The Regensburg members of the Suabian League pursued violent measures, and everywhere followed up their victories by religious persecutions. Catholicism was thus first restored by violence in Upper Germany. The formation of religious leagues followed; and soon after we perceive the first attempts at "secularization." The clergy, even in the towns, began to emancipate themselves from the episcopal jurisdiction, which, by its grinding oppression, had been mainly the cause of the revolt. Of course, all kinds of wild schemes would be proposed, such as the secularization of all Church property. Some of the plans, however, were more

reasonable: they would assign as much to spiritual princes and prelates as their station required; a few convents for young women of noble birth should be retained, but with full right and liberty to quit them; the surplus funds were to be devoted to the support of new preachers and schools. Other proposals completed a project which may be thus fully detailed: the secularization of Church property-the empire represented only by temporal estates-a standing army, for the special advantage of the young nobles: "all things (says Ranke) which, in their mature and finished form, gave their character to succeeding centuries and constituted modern Germany." The ecclesiastical princes were, however, too strong for permitting such plans as the above: they only served to put them more upon their guard. The Diet of Augsburg, in 1525, followed. Bitter enemies against the Reformation arose, and everything was prepared for the decisive battle. "If (says Ranke) the adherents of innovation found support in the sympathy of the nation, on the other hand the champions of the Papacy were sustained by the natural strength of established institutions and the resolute aversion of some powerful princes to all change."

They sought to win over the two supreme authorities, whose dignity was so bound up with the spiritual constitution of the empire that they thus came into contact with two great political powers which stood in different relations to each other when out of Germany. Italy and European policy might constantly change these relations. Hence, accurately to understand the affairs of Germany, these events must be first examined. This forms the subject of the fourth and last book, upon which, however, our limits compel us to be more brief than its importance and interest demand.

The purely secular portions of this part of the history introduce us to some very graphic descriptions of the French and Italian wars, down to the Ligue of Cognac, 1521-26. Names of places, of heroes, and of scenes meet us which are full of historical associations: the battle of Bicocca; the conquest of Genoa; Bourbon, Bayard, "the knight without fear and without reproach," in whom the glorious qualities of knighthood appeared for the last time-whose coat of mail, pierced by the musket, like the fall of Sickëngen's castle before the cannon, was an expression of a great revolution in human affairs; Francis I., and Pavia; Pescara, and George Frundsberg, whose character and singular end are well told; and the conquest of Rome.

The Diet of Spire was held in 1526. Relative to this we

must content ourselves with quoting Ranke's view of its deep and lasting importance :

"There is a moment at which all the interests of Europe at large, and Germany in particular, converge and become implicated with each other-a moment which, though it appears unimportant, was, in fact, the point at which the early history of Germany ends and the modern begins the moment when the Archduke Ferdinand accepted the report of the committee, sanctioned the sending of the deputation, and approved the instructions drawn up for it. It was ordered in the Recess that until the general or national assembly of the Church, which was prayed for, should be convoked, each State should, in all matters appertaining to the edict of Worms, so live, rule, and bear itself as it thought it could answer it to God and the emperor.' These words contain the legal foundation of the constitution of the national churches of Germany; and at the same time they involve (although leaving open the possibility of a future re-union) the separation of the nation into two great religious parties. They are the words that decided the fate of Germany. Catholicism would not have been able to maintain itself if the edict of Worms had been formally repealed. The evangelical party would not have been able to constitute itself legally if the emperor and the states had insisted on the execution of that edict. The future existence and development of both hung on that point."

We imagine that Ranke's work must take its place amidst the world's literature; for one of the most difficult and interesting periods of its history has met with one who has shown himself admirably qualified to grapple with it. The political student will devote some of his best spent hours in mastering it-which, however, we warn him, will be no holiday task; for we acknowledge that our own endeavours thus to make it known to the many whom life's pressing duties deprive of the requisite leisure have cost us more labour than any similar undertaking in which we have ever been engaged. To the student of Church history it will afford priceless instruction; and deeply do we thank God that we meet with none of those heterodox sentiments upon religion, to shock our feelings, which have marred the labours of so many German writers of high promise.

Of so important a work it may be expected we should say something of the translator's claims to our confidence. Of the accuracy, however, of the translation, we regret to say, we can only judge from internal evidence, as the great distance from literary sources at which we have written this article prevented our comparing it with the original, although an occasional doubt more than once made us anxious to have done so; but, from internal evidence, we judge it to be as

faithfully as we know it is ably rendered. Moreover, the well-earned and increasing reputation of Mrs. Austin in this difficult walk of literature justifies her claims upon our faith that she has spared no pains to deserve our confidence.

ART. III.-The Protector: A Vindication. By J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNE, D.D. Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd. 1847.

DR. MERLE D'AUBIGNÉ has acquired a considerable reputation in England as an historical writer. This he owes to his very interesting work on the Reformation, which has probably been more extensively read in this country than any modern work of its kind. It has been published in various forms to meet the means and tastes of different classes, and there are very few, who claim to have an acquaintance with the literature of the present day, who do not consider themselves competent to give an opinion as to its merits and accuracy, although there are not many, we apprehend, who are sufficiently acquainted with the real facts of this history to judge of it rightly. As it is a work, however, of a peculiar character, the opinions which are pronounced are not always harmonious. The Tractarians describe it as a tissue of prejudice and a compilation of errors; whilst they whose sympathics are in the opposite direction from Tractarianism regard it as a truthful record of the events which accompanied that mighty revolution, and an able exposition of the causes which originated them. No one denies that Dr. Merle d'Aubigné is a very able and graphic writer: still we think the reflective and deliberative character of the English mind has, on the part of many, detected, in the "History of the Reformation" more of the Genevan professor, striving to bring the explanation of this great event within the compass of a limited theology, than of the grave and impartial historian writing for posterity. It follows, very naturally, that his work is regarded by those who have this view of it as, ab initio, under an influence which characterizes it in its progress throughout and determines beforehand the result to be attained. Hence when he claims for the "History of the Reformation reward due to an impartial examination and record of the times the and circumstances of which he treats, he ought not to be surprized if many, from the circumstance which we have mentioned, dispute this claim, who nevertheless cheerfully yield the tribute of admiration to the glowing and graphic style of his narration. In the commencement of this history, the doctor