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1. 9. c. 10. Co. Rep. 9.---2 Inst. 52. b.) that at two times yearly, or oftener, if need were, in time of peace, they should assemble at London to sit in Parliament. And he states, as the second abuse of the law, that Parliaments did meet but seldom, and at the King's will, for aids and gatherings of treasure; and that the King made ordinances instead of the Parliament. Thus then the case stood till Edward I. A. D. 1272.

But we may refer back to 1235, 20 Hen. III. when we find in the preamble to the statute of Merton, made upon the assembly there for the marriage of Heury with Queen Elinor, that this law was made, as well by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops, Earls, and Barons, as by the King himself, and others. It cannot be supposed that this Parliament could have been composed of any other than the personages named with these others; and that they were the original Freeborges of the realm, and Decennaries.

In 1266, the St. 51 Hen III. seems from its language to be an Ordinance of the King, until s. 3, which is introduced by the words, "By consent of the whole realm," the assize of flour, &c.—And from this date writs are preserved, which have been issued to summon knights, citizens, and burgesses, to Parliament.

In the following year, 1267, the statute of Marlborough is prefaced by these words:" The more discreet men of the realm being called together, as well of the higher as of the lower Estate:" which lower Estate, it is fairly to be presumed, consisted of the same persons as are above mentioned.

In the preamble to the Statute of Westminster, 1 Edw. I. A. D. 1275it is with the assent of the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, and all the Commonally of the realm, being thither summoned.

The friends of Universal Suffrage have here a claim to the extensive meaning of the term Commonalty; but, if the above explanation of the Freeborges who were called to the County Courts on view of frauk pledge can be supposed to have prevailed, the same must have constituted this Commonalty, and not the whole people at large, which is, and always must have been, impracticable.

In Edward I.'s Letter to the Pope,

there is a testimony to the practice of Parliament meeting twice in a year well worthy of our observation; it relates to a yearly tribute of 1000 marks, which the Popes, from the time of King John, exacted, and of which there were at this time some arrears. The King's excuse to the Nuncio was, that from the pressure of business, and his own sickness, he had not come to any resolution in his Parliament, which he had accustomed to hold at Easter; but, by common advice, he would give him an answer in his Michaelmas Parliament; thus speaking of them both as customary.—Pro firmo scituri, pie Pater et Domine, quod in alio Parliamento nostro quod ad festum Michs. prox. futur. intendimus, dante Domino, celebrare, habito et communicato concilio cum prelatis et proceribus memoratis, vobis super premissis ipsorum consilio dabimus responsionem." Know for certain, pious Father and Lord, that in our other Parliament, which we design to hold at the next feast of St. Michael, with God's permission, we and the Prelates and Peers aforesaid, in council had thereon, will, by their advice, give you an answer on the premises." (See Clause Rolls, 3 Ed. I. m. 9. Scedula.-Pryuue, p. 158.)

It no where appears that prorogations and any length of adjournments were practised in those days; and the law being that Parliaments should be held twice or oftener, this record is a complete proof that there were two Parliaments in that year.

The sitting of Parliament was usually 40 days, so low as King Richard II.; and if they were longer detained, the subject of the wages of the knights and burgesses came into dispute: and Knyghton, p. 2682, has preserved a memorable record of this fact, Dicunt etiam, &c. "In short, they say, that they have an antient statute, whereby, if the King wilfully absent himself from his Parlia ment, not having any infirmity or other cause of necessity, but per immoderatam voluntatem protervè, &c. 40 days, and not caring for the vexa tion of his people, and their heavy expence, it shall then be lawful for them all to withdraw from the domigerio regis, and return to their own homes.

It is supposed by Lord Coke, that until 8 Hen, IV. the whole Parliament sat together, because at that

date

date they ordered their Speaker to put his Seal to their Act concerning the successionto the Crown; previous to which date there is no such instance; but, on the contrary, at the Parliament of 28 Edward I. in the letters then sent to the Pope, the concluding teste is, In cujus rei testimonium sigilla nostra tam pro nobis quam pro tota communitate pred. Regni Angliæ præsentib. sunt appensa. Certain it is, that at the first both houses sat together, as it appears in the Treatise De modo tenendi Parliam. and in the Parliament Rolls of 5 Edward III. nu. 3, and in 6 Edward III. in divers places; and that the Commons had no continual Speaker; but, after consultation had, they agreed upon some one or more of them that had greatest aptitude for present bu siness, to deliver their resolution, which wrought great delays of proceeding, and thereupon the Houses divided; and the surest mark of the time of the division of them is, when the House of Commons at the first had a continual Speaker, as at this day it hath. After the division the Commons sat in the Chapter-house of the Abbot of Westminster (Rot. Par. 50 Ed. III. nu. 8.—4 Inst. 2.) until Edward VI. 1547, when the statute of that year, ch. 14, having vested in the Crown the Colleges, Chapels, and Chauntries, of monastic foundation, the King became possessed of the antient and beautiful free Chapel of St. Stephen, founded by King Stephen; and since that time it has served for the House of Commons. (4 Iust. 255.)

In these early times it does not appear how these Parliaments were accustomed to assemble, nor whether they met in one or in different assemblies; but in Richard II. who began his reign in 1377, and reigned till 1399, they sat in two houses; and this was the case at the Parliament holden af Eitham.

shall be holden every year; as another time was ordained by stat. 4 Ed. III. c. 14. It is ordained, that a Parliament shall be holden every year once, and more often if need be.

50 Ed. III. A. D. 1377. The Parliament's demand or petition is, that a Parliament may be holden every year; the Knights of the Parliament may be chosen by the whole counties; and that the Sheriff may be without brokage in court. The King's answer is,-To the Parliament there are statules made therefore; to the Sheriffs there is answer made; to the Knights it is agreed, that they shall be chosen by the common consent of every county.

R. II. The petition was, p. 163, That a Parliament may be yearly holden in convenient place, to redress delays in suits, and to end such cases as the Judges doubt of. To which the King's answer was, -It shall be as it hath been used.

Aud in 2 Ric. II. The reason for opening the Parliament was stated to be,secondly, for that it was enacted, that a Parliament should yearly be held.

This law remained for a space of 262 years, till 16 Car. I. when that King, having discontinued Parlia meots for 12 years, the Nation found a necessity of having a Cautionary Parliament every third year, to se cure their Annual Parliaments for the two years immediately foregoing. This is said to be the true reason of the Act for a Triennial Parliament. A. D. 1640. The first enactment of this statule was, that the laws for a Parliament to be holden at least once a year shall hereafter be duly kept and observed. (Scobel, Collect. 16 Car. I. c. 1.)

This Act was afterwards repealed by 16 Car. II. c. 1. which in its preamble denounces the Act of Car. I. as in derogation of his Majesty's just rights Moreover, in Cotton's Abridgment and prerogative inherent to the Impeof the Records in the Tower, 5 Edw. rial Crown of this realm, for the callII. A. D. 1312, it is ordained, that a ing and assembling of Parliaments; Parliament shall be held one or two and may be an occasion of manifold times a year: On which it may be mischiefs and inconveniences, and noted, that the original rule of once much endanger the peace and safety a year is now changed into once or of his Majesty, aud all his liege peotwice. ple of this realm. And after having 36 Ed. III. A. D. 1363. For main-enacted, in s. 2, the repeal, it protenance of the said articles and statutes, and redress of divers mischiefs which daily happen, a Parliament

ceeds, s. 3, to declare the law to be, that because by the antient laws and statutes of this realm (made 4 Ed. III.

c. 14, and 36 Ed. III. c. 10), "Parliaments are to be beld very often," that hereafter the sitting and holding of Parliaments shall not be intermitted or discontinued above three years at the most; but that within three years from the determination of that Parliament, and so from time to time within three years after the determination of any other Parliament, or, if there be occasion, more often, the King and his successors should issue writs for calling, assembling, and holding another Parliament, to the end there may be a frequent calling, &c. once in three years at the least.

Thus the Parliamentary Law continued until 1694, 6 Will. and Mary, c. 2, when the last statute was reenacted; but in s. 3 it was further declared, that no Parliament whatsoever that should at any time thenafter be called, &c. should have any continuance longer than for three years only at the farthest from the day of meeting specified in the sumnous; and that that Parliament should cease on 1 Nov. 1696, unless sooner dissolved.

There was a dissolution, and a new Parliament began on 22d of November, 1695, at Westminster. And by an Act in 1696, c. 25, for regulating elections, the qualification of voters is, freehold lands or hereditaments of the yearly value of 40s.

The period of Parliaments having thus crept on, continued 21 years upon the last statute, when in 1715, 1 Geo. I. it was further extended, ch. 38, to a term of seven years, and no longer, not only for that but for all future Parliaments, unless sooner dissolved. It is stated in the preamble, that it had been found by experience that the Triennial Act had proved very grievous and burdensome, by occasioning much greater and more continued expences in order to elections, and more violent and lasting heats and animosities amongst the subjects of the realm, than were ever known before that clause was enacted; and that the provision, if it should continue, might probably at that juncture, when a restless and Popish faction were de signing and endeavouring to renew

the rebellion within the kingdom, and an invasion from abroad, be destructive to the peace and security of the government.

This Bill originated with the Duke of Devonshire in the House of Lords, and was much opposed by the Earls of Nottingham, Abingdon, and Paulet, on the grounds that frequent Parliaments were required by the fundamental constitution of the kingdom, ascertained in the practice of many ages; and that the Members of the Lower House were chosen by the body of the Nation for a certain term of years, at the expiration of which they could be no longer representatives of the people, who, by the Parliament's protracting its own authority, would be deprived of the only remedy which they had against those who, through ignorance or corruption, betrayed the trust reposed in them; and that a long Parliament would yield a greater temptation, as well as a better opportunity to a vi cious Ministry, to corrupt the Members, than they could possibly have when the Parliaments were short and frequent. (2 Smoll. 330.) The Bill passed in the Upper House by a majority of 35, there being 96 in the affirmative, and 61 in the negative; and 30 Lords entered a strong protest against it. In consequence of this proceeding, various Petitions were presented to the House of Commons from different parts of the kingdom; declaring that the people looked upon it as an attempt to overturn the Constitution: but it passed by 264 against

121.

(Hist. Mag. Ch. XXXVIII.)

From these testimonies it appears that Annual Parliaments, and sometimes two Parliaments within the year, were the custom of the Realm; but that the Legislature afterwardsthought fit to extend their duration to three years; and the same high authority in later times further extended them to seven years. But it does not any where appear that Universal Suffrage was ever the right of the people, for a qualification, and that free burgesses, and a rent of 40s. gave this privilege to the few who held some tenure of that value, over those who held not any property to qualify them for more than labour.' A. H.

Mr.

Mr. URBAN,

You

Feb. 9. OUR Correspondents Economicus, Vol.LXXXVI. Partii. p.228, and Humanitas, p. 312, in their sug gestions for the relief and employment of the poor, allude to the keep ing of Bees as being very profila ble to the proprietors. Economicus says, "Few are the places in this country where Bees could not be culti vated to great advantage;" and I heartily concur with him in that opinion, and therefore most earnestly recommend every person who has any kind of convenience for the purpose (and it requires little more than a Southerly situation, well sheltered from the wind) to try the experiment, nothing doubting but they will be most amply rewarded for the little trouble and expence they may be put to in the first instance. And this is not only recommended to the poorer classes, but also to farmers and artizans of every description who have that great source of domestic comfort a garden" attached to their habitations. (Let it be observed, however, that gardens in or very near to large towns are by no means congenial to the habits and health of those industrious insects.)

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By way of illustrating what has been said of the profits to be derived from Bees, I shall, by your leave, Mr. Urban, subjoin a pleasing tale on the subject, lately communicated to me as a fact.

"A French Bishop being about to make his annual visitation, sent word to a certainCurate (whose ecclesiastical benefice was extremely small), that he intended to dine with him; at the same time requesting that he would not put himself to any extraordinary expence. The Curate promised to attend to the Bishop's suggestion; but he did not keep his word, for he provided a most sumptuous entertainment. His Lordship was much surprised; but could not avoid censuring the conduct of the Curate, observing, that it was highly ridiculous in a man whose circumstances were so narrow, to launch out in such expence; nay, almost to dissipate his entire income in a single day. Do not be uneasy on that score, my Lord,” replied the Curate, "for I assure you that what you now see is not the produce of my curacy, which I bestow exclusively on the poor." "Then you have a patrimony, Sir?" said the Bishop. "No, my GENT. MAG. February, 1817,

Lord." "You speak in riddles; how do you then to 'My Lord, I have a convent of young damsels here, who do not let me want for any thing." "How! you have a convent! I did not know there was one in this neighbourhood: this is all very strange, very unaccountable, Mr. Curate." "You are jocular, my Lord." "But come, Sir," said the Bishop, "1 intreat that you would solve the enigma: I would fain see the convent." "So you shall, my Lord, after dinner; and I promise you that your Lordship will be satisfied with my conduct." Accordingly, when dinner was over, the Curate conducted the Prelate to a large inclosure,- entirely occupied by Bee-hives, and, pointing to the latter, observed, "This, my lord, is the convent which gave us our dinner; it brings me in about 1800 livres per annum, upon which I live very comfortably, and with which I contrive to entertain my guests genteelly." The surprize and satisfaction of the Bishop at this discovery may readily be conceived. The sequel of the story informs us, that afterwards, whenever a Curate made application to his Lordship for an improved living, he would only reply, "Keep Bees, keep Bees." BENEVOLUS.

*** This Correspondent refers R. E. R. (LXXXVI. ii. 386) to Sir W. Temple's Works, vol. I. folio, p. 128, for that great Statesman's Letter to Lady Essex on the Death of her Daughter, dated Jan. 29, 1674; and very justly observes, that "many other extremely interesting particulars are to be found in the Works of Sir William Temple." EDIT.

Mr. URBAN,

Jan. 1. ITH reference to the present

WIT

general distress, pray permit me to inquire,-do any of your valuable Correspondents know the particulars of a Charity which is said to exist for the relief of poor Seamen, Soldiers, and their families? I have met with the following account of it amongst some old papers; and should feel gratified at this juncture to ascertain whether it is correct.

"On application to the Aldermen or the Lord Mayor, and soliciting a ticket, you may receive of the Chamberlain the sum of 47. arising from the legacy left by Sir J. Langham to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen of the City of London, in trust, to

wards

wards raising a fund for the relief of poor seamen, soldiers, and their families. As the sum cannot be sufficient to supply every one who needs, it is thus distributed: The Lord Mayor has four tickets, and each Alderman two, to dispose of yearly; and whoever they favour with a ticket, receives 47. upon giving a receipt for the same at the Chamberlain's Office, without any deduction. Such as cannot find a friend may obtain a ticket, by petitioning to the Lord Mayor, or Aldermen, or by going personally to the Mansion-house; where the ticket is sometimes granted to them.

"Three years servitude in the Navy or Army is quite sufficient to entitle a person to the benefit of it, but it is very little known amongst those objects whom it is principally intended to relieve*." HUMANITAS.

Mr. URBAN,

June 19, 1816.

TH HE attention which has been paid to the humble claims of the

Debtor does honour to the Philanthropy of the Country; and if what I have to offer upon a subject relating to the protection of the Creditor should appear reasonable, I have a bope that among your widely circulating Essays it may catch the eye of some upright and powerful Lawyer, and be carried into effect by the Legislature. On looking into a List of Bankrupts, we may conceive what an enor mous property is annually sunk in these commercial whirlpools, and society trembles at the extended run which the explosion of a considerable Firm carries along with it. The means now in force for the recovery of such property being to me practically unsatisfactory, I wish to recommend that the administration of a Bankrupt's affairs should be discharged by public officers, giving security for their conduct, instead of being committed to the trust of individual creditors selected for Assignées.

An Assignee either undertakes a troublesome and gratuitous task, in the execution of which be may expect that courtesy should exempt him from much inquiry and investigation; or he accepts it for the sake of a salary, or with an intention to

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profit by the handling and management of the money. In either ease the arrangement is partial or inconvenient; and where a dispute and canvassarises for the nomination, between the friends of the bankrupt and the more rigorous creditors, the vanquished party are sure to be injured by the result, because their property is delivered over into the care and possession of those in whom they do not place confidence. The Assignee too is generally himself a tradesman, or else a banker, whose special trade it is to become the debtor of his customers to as great an amount, and for as long a period, as he can obtain ; and who hereby becoming invested with sums of money, for the use of which he gives no account, and for the principal no security, exposes it a second time to risk by the contingency of his own failure.

If, as Commissioners are appointed for the regulation of some of the proceedings in bankruptcy, they should also discharge the more important function of receiving and dividing the money, such hazard and incon venience as I have alluded to would be obviated, and all suspicion of interested delay in the payment of dividends would be removed; a satisfactory publicity would be insured for the creditor in the management of the affairs; he would receive the utmost proportion of his debt that justice could recover, without the chance of being inveigled into compromises obtained upon deceptive representations. The money that is accumulated previously to each dividend should be vested in the public funds, and the interest carried to the general account. Costs of such an establishment would be inferior to the prodigious accounts for litigation that are now created at the will of a directing attorney; and the delays and expences of the office would be altogether less than those for which needy or capricious men may find endless pretences. W. M. H.

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