thefe two laft are, with relation to parties and a court, quite different things) it hath been the opinion of the best writers upon government, that a prince ought not in any fort to be under the guidance or influence of either, because he declines by this means from his office of prefiding over the whole, to be the head of a party, which, befides the indignity, renders him answerable for all publick mifmanagements, and the confequences of them; and in whatever ftate this happens, there must either be a weakness in the prince or miniftry, or elfe the former is too much reftrained by the nobles, or those who represent the people. To conclude: A church of England man may with prudence and a good conscience approve the profeffed principles of one party more than the other, according as he thinks they beft promote the good of church and ftate; but he will never be fwayed by paffion or intereft to advance an opinion, merely because it is that of the party he most approves; which one fingle principle he looks upon as the root of all our civil animofities. To en ter into a party, as into an order of friers, with fo refigned an obedience to fuperiors, is very unfuitable both with the civil and religious liberties we fo zealously affert. Thus the understandings of a whole fenate are often enflaved by three or four leaders on each fide, who, instead of intending the publick weal, have their hearts wholly fet upon ways and means how to get or to keep employments. But to speak more at large, how has this fpirit of faction mingled itself with the mass of the people, changed their nature and manners, and the very genius of the nation? broke all the laws of charity, neighbourhood, alliance, and hospitality, deftroyed all ties of friendship, and divided families against themselves? and no wonder it fhould be fo, when in order to find out the character of a person, instead of enquiring whether he be a man of virtue, honour, piety, wit, good sense, or learning; the modern queftion is only, whether he be a whig or a tory, under which terms all good and ill qualities are included. Now, Now, because it is a point of difficulty to chufe an exact middle between two ill extremes, it may be worth enquiring in the prefent cafe, which of thefe a wife and good man would rather feem to avoid taking therefore their own good and ill characters with due abatements and allowances for partiality and paffion, I fhould think that in order to preferve the conftitution entire in church and state, whoever hath a true value for both, would be fure to avoid the extremes of whig for the fake of the former, and the extremes of tory on account of the latter. I have now faid all, that I could think convenient upon fo nice a fubject, and find I have the ambition common with other reafoners, to wish at least that both parties may think me in the right, which would be of fome use to those who have any virtue left, but are blindly drawn into the extravagancies of either, upon false representations, to ferve the ambition or malice of defigning men, without any profpect of their own. But if that is not to be hoped for, my next wish should be, that both might think me in L 3 the : the wrong which I would understand as an ample juftification of myself, and a fure ground to believe, that I have proceeded at least with impartiality, and perhaps with truth. ΑΝ ΑΝ ARGUMENT To prove that the ABOLISHING of CHRISTIANITY IN ENGLAND may, as things now ftand, be attended with feme inconveniencies, and perhaps not produce thofe many good effects propofed thereby. I Written in the Year 1708. Am very fenfible, what a weakness and prefumption it is, to reafon against the gencral humour and difpofition of the world. I remember it was with great juftice, and a due regard to the freedom, both of the publick and the prefs, forbidden upon feveral penalties to write, or difcourfe, or lay wagers against the union, even before it was confirmed by parliament; because that was looked upon as a defign to oppofe the current of the people, which befides the folly of it, is L 4 a mani |