pellation, Jewin street. For this boon, however, they eventually paid rather largely; since, when Plantagenet, contemplating a voyage to the Holy Land, called upon his liege subjects to raise a subsidy, while the Christian portion were taxed 70,000l. the small minority of the Jews were taxed 60,000l. This rate of taxation, though exorbitant, is however a proof of the general wealth of the Jewish community; and as, during this reign, the advancing spirit of commercial enterprize rendered money of far more importance than in earlier periods, when exchange of commodities almost superseded its use, the Jews, the only money-brokers in the land, must have possessed great facilities for the acquisition of wealth, as especially from Richard de Anesty's narrative, we find that they charged an exorbitant rate of interest. In order to afford every security to either party, in these money transactions, Plantagenet directed that their property should be registered, and their contracts made before two Jewish lawyers, two Christian lawyers, and two registrars; also, that one copy of the deed should be kept by the Jewish lender, the other in an official chest, with three locks, of which the Jewish lawyers held one of the keys. It has been stated by the chroniclers of the time, that the indications of excessive wealth which the Jews, both in their dress and attendants, as well as in the rich presents intended for the king, displayed, was the real cause of their cruel massacre at this coronation. The plunder on that occasion was immense; and the Christians of those various towns where the Jews resided, eager to imitate the

worthy example of their brethren in London, rose upon this hapless race, and threatened a re-action of similar scenes. The authoritative interference of Richard prevented them; and, until that chivalrous monarch set forth on his daring and romantic expedition, the Jews seem, for these few short months, to have remained in safety.

Ere his departure from his kingdom, Richard is said to have bestowed upon his good city of London the honourable privilege of being under the government of a mayor, instead of a portreeve as heretofore. It is more probable that this was rather the confirmation of a choice made by the citizens full two years before; since the election of Henry Fitz Alwin, the draper of London Stone, as mayor, is always represented in the city records as having taken place in 1189. Nor is it unlikely that, during the period which intervened between the death of Plantagenet and the proclamation of Richard in England, the citizens, always bearing themselves proudly as the representatives of the kingdom of Mercia, and deeming themselves an imperium in imperio," should have chosen to elect, after the true Saxon form, a king for the city, and one of true Saxon race.*

*That this was the feeling of many of the citizens, we have a curious and characteristic proof in an entry upon the Rolls of the king's court, in his sixth year; where William Fitz Osbert appears against his brother Richard, and charges him with having said, "In recompence for the money taken from me by the chancellor" (this was for Cour de Lion's ransom), "I would lay out forty marks to purchase a chain, in which the king and his chancellor might be hanged." Robert Brand, joined in the loyal wish. always remain where he is," said Jordan.

Jordan the tanner, and "Would that the king would "Come what will," they all

Judging from some enactments made during the earlier years of the mayoralty of this first chief magistrate of London, we may well consider his superintendence to have been greatly beneficial. He provided “that, to appease contentions that might arise among neighbours in cases of enclosure, twelve ealdermen should be chosen in full hustings, and sworn faithfully to perform their duty." By these sworn men orders were to be taken about party walls, building them sixteen feet in height at least, and three feet thick; also to build them of stone for security against fire." He also gave directions respecting gutters to receive and convey water from their houses. All these were to be at common cost, also pits or wells that should be dug for water; and as well they were to inquire into nuisances, such as making windows looking upon the neighbours, and putting girders or beams into the neighbours' walls. How strange must these enactments appear to those who view our forefathers at this period as a mere race of barbarians: the inquest for party walls alone seems to prove some advancement towards a due appreciation of domestic comforts even among the lower classes; but what shall we say to the sensitive and refined taste that prohibited windows overlooking the neighbours? A strange and most anomalous, yet picturesque contrast do the refinements and bar

This

exclaimed, “in London we will never have any other king, except our mayor Henry Fitz Alwyn." Vide "Rolls of the King's Court. William Fitz Osbert, whose loyalty induced him to accuse even his own brother, became subsequently so violent an opponent of kingly and civic rule, that a few years after he raised that serious disturbance in the city, of which Stow gives so large an account, and was eventually hanged at

the Elms.

R

barisms, the splendour, and rude simplicity of this, the earlier portion of the middle ages, present to us.

:

*

Early in the following spring, Cœur de Lion made his final preparations for that expedition, which, ever since the proclamation of the Crusade by Gregory, had engaged his every thought; and to which not merely the immense wealth, hoarded by his father at Winchester, but all the money, which by every method he could obtain, had been devoted.† The precise number of men who accompanied him to the Holy Land, it is difficult to ascertain of the number of vessels employed to transport them, and of their splendid appearance, Vinesauf, who was present, gives a minute description. There were thirteen large vessels, termed dromonds, a name familiar to the readers of our early metrical romances, and these had a triple spread of sails. There were about fifty armed galleys, and an hundred transports. These were most probably the "huissiers," a name derived from the old French "huis," a door, and were intended for the conveyance of horses. They

* Ere passing on, we may remark that Fitz Ailwyn continued "King of the city" from 1189 to 1213. His seal, which is engraved in the "Rolls of the King's Court," confirms the statement of Matthew Paris, that the magistrates of London were considered as barons; since on it he appears, seated on horseback, in itself a token of high birth, and in addition, bearing a falcon, that bird appropriated to the noble alone. "Such tokens of Station," observes the learned editor, "were not assumed without due warrant.” In regard to the Saxon descent of Fitz Ailwyn, it must be borne in mind that the French prefix Fitz, is merely used by those who wrote in Norman French, or who translated from it. In these Rolls he is called "Filius Ailwine." The name of "Otho Alwinesune occurs in the Pipe Roll of Henry, and it is probable that by the name of Ailwyn's son he was known to his fellow citizens.

Among other means, he restored the castles of Roxburgh and Berwick to William of Scotland, with remission of feudal homage, for 10,000 marks.

were flat-bottomed, with ports in the side, from which bridges were let down to facilitate entrance or egress; and Joinville, who is very minute on the subject, acquaints us, that when the good steeds were put in, the doors "were stopped, like a barrel of wine, because, when the ship was in the sea, the whole door was under water." There were also a hundred and six vessels, which had assembled at Lisbon, coasted round Spain as far as Marseilles, and from thence set sail for Syria, without touching at any other port. All these vessels had oars as well as sails the galleys were decked with pennons, streaming to the wind, and standards fixed in graceful order on the points of spears. The rostra or beaks were adorned with painted figures, and at this period were splendidly gilt, while the prows of the vessels shone with the light reflected from the shields placed upon them. These vessels had mostly two tier of oars; some of the galleys were long, slender, and low, and armed with a beam of wood, shod with iron, called a spur, projecting from the head, for piercing the sides of ships. There were also smaller ones, called galleons, which, being shorter and lighter, steered better, and were used for throwing fire. These galleys, at least in the Mediterranean, never lost sight of land; but the ships sometimes steered boldly onward, while, to keep through the night the fleet from dispersing, a lanthorn was hung aloft in the king's ship, which during the whole voyage led the way. Such was the general appearance of a fleet, of which Vinesauf, with pardonable exultation, declares, that "so fine