gans;" and, addressing Elinor as "wisest of women," urges upon her consideration the propriety and duty of returning, by reference to several texts, which, had Plantagenet's conduct and character been different, might have been suitable. The importance of the step she had taken, is proved by the urgency with which she is invited to return; and the danger in which Plantagenet felt himself placed, is clearly though covertly expressed in the remark that "childish counsels and a female hand have brought desolation upon one to whom the mightiest kings had submitted their necks ;"—an admirable specimen of hyperbole, since it would be difficult to find any king who had "submitted his neck to Plantagenet. In conclusion, they endeavour to persuade her to reconcliation, by assurances that the king "will exhibit toward you love, and the fullest security for your safety;" and she is finally exhorted to yield to their admonition, "seeing that thou, most pious queen, as well as thine husband, art our parishioner."

What course was adopted by Elinor on the receipt of this episcopal mandate, is unknown; but ere long we learn, although no chronicle gives any particular, that she fell into the hands of Plantagenet, who gratified his revenge, by consigning her to a close and severe imprisonment, which lasted, with the exception of one short interval, sixteen years.

Early in the following year Plantagenet visited Canterbury-a step most probably rendered neces

sary by the continued hostility of the people and nobles, who, doubtless, considered his family dissensions as a just judgment upon him for the murder of his archbishop. Barefooted, and clad in woollen garments, he proceeded from the church of St. Dunstan, withoutside the city, to the tomb of St. Thomas in the cathedral, and there, kneeling down,

was scourged by all the byestanders, bishops, abbots, and the monks of Christchurch, of his own free will." Gervase, who records this, and who was probably an eye-witness, makes no remark, either commending the penitence of the king, or exulting in the honour which he was compelled to pay to the remains of his great opponent; he merely states, that he "joyfully departed from Canterbury ;" and seems to have viewed the whole proceeding, as one of those sacrifices to popular feeling, which, on some occasions, even the most haughty and tyrannical of monarchs are forced to make.

The good fortune of Plantagenet, in this struggle against not only his refractory sons, but against the kings of France and Scotland, and his nobles, eventually prevailed; and once more he found himself at peace. But his successes were of no avail in softening his heart; he still seems to have viewed his elder sons with feelings of jealous hostility, and he still kept the unhappy Elinor in captivity.

But, although domestic peace and good-will were strangers to the palace, the land enjoyed a measure of repose and prosperity which had been unknown

since the days of Beauclerc,* and which, indeed, far exceeded them. Under the judicious management of Ranulph de Glanville, the chief justiciar, many arrangements calculated to secure and advance the well-being of the kingdom were made. Itinerant judges were constituted; and the land being divided into six circuits, three of these were appointed for each. An assize of arms was also established, by which each person holding a knight's fee was required to keep a coat of mail, a helmet, a shield, and a lance; every freeman possessing in chattels, or rent, ten marks, to have an habergeon (an inferior coat of mail), a chapelle de fer (a flattened steel cap), and a lance; while nearly the same arms were required to be possessed by "the whole community of freemen." As these arms were for the purpose of defending the kingdom, it was enacted, that no man should sell, pledge, lend, or alienate them; nor should the lord by any means take them from his vassal, neither should they be carried out of the kingdom, nor should the Jews be allowed to possess them.

* In one important respect, however, Beauclerc stood pre-eminent : this was in the rejection of bribes. From the very curious narrative of Richard de Anesty, it appears that Plantagenet had no scruple in receiving them, and that his example was most laudably followed by every member of the court. "I gave," says he, "in gifts, in the king's courts, gold, silver, and horses, sixteen marks and a half; to Ralph, the king's physician, thirty-six marks; to the king, one hundred marks; and to the queen, one gold mark." The whole narrative (how he was sent from one to another, and how he was obliged to raise money from Vives the Jew of Cambridge," and from "Hakelot the Jew,' at the enormous interest of three pennies per week for the pound," and from a dozen more,) is very characteristic, and forms an emphatic comment on that clause of the great charter," We will not sell, delay, or deny justice." The reader will find the whole narrative in the second volume of Sir F. Palgrave 's " English Commonwealth.”

A curious picture of the rising prosperity of our capital is presented in the description of London, written about this period, by Fitz Stephen.* From it we learn that London was then surrounded by the wall, of which scarcely a fragment now remains; that it was entered by seven gates, † and defended at either end by a strong castle (the Tower, and castle Baynard); while, along the northern side, turrets at intervals were erected. Withinside, the several tradesmen resided in the streets appropriated to their respective callings, a plan which continued many centuries after. Three principal schools, St. Paul's cathedral-school, the convent-school of St. Martin's le Grand, and that of the Holy Trinity at Aldgate, beside others held " upon good-will and

sufferance," were devoted to the instruction of its youthful inhabitants; while thirteen great conventual churches, and one hundred and twenty-six parochial, supplied religious services to the citizens, and the dwellers in the suburbs. From the same account we learn, that the suburbs were even at this early day very populous, especially toward the west. "On the west," says he, " is the king's palace-an "is incomparable building, having a wall before it, and bulwarks. It is two miles from the city, and continued with a suburb full of people." "On the

* The whole tract, with an English translation, is appended to the second volume of Strype's Stow.

These gates were Aldgate, Bishopsgate, Cripplegate, Aldersgate, Newgate, Ludgate, and a Watergate: Moorgate was not opened until the commencement of the fifteenth century. Fitz Stephen mentions, that the walls originally extended along the river-side of the city, but that they were in that part suffered to fall into ruin.

north side are fields for pasture, and open meadows very pleasant, among which river-waters flow, and turn the wheels of the mills. Very near lies a large forest, in the coverts of which lurk bucks, does, wild boars, and bulls." Nearer the city, he tells us, there are "three fountains, sweet, wholesome, and clear, streaming forth from among the glittering stones (the worthy monk's style is tolerably ornate); "these are Holywell, Clerkenwell, and St. Clement's well, where the youth of the city take the air on summer evenings." More to the east extended the wide moor, which, until within twenty years, gave its name to that portion of the manor of Finsbury. This moor, during the winter season, was appropriated to all manner of sports; especially a rude kind of skating, performed by means of a bone being fastened under the shoe of the skater. He tells us, that accidents very frequently happened on the ice; but that, such was the spirit and determination of the London youth, these were inadequate to restrain them. At Smithfield ("Smoothfield" is Fitz Stephen's term) every Friday, was a horse-market, to which not merely the citizens, but "earls, barons, and knights, were accustomed to resort; and to it, horses of every kind, and from all parts, were sent.

London, even at this early day, seems well to have deserved her long appropriated title of " pays de cocaigne;" since from the same authority we learn, that good eating and drinking abounded in this favoured city; and that, for the accommodation of those who had not means or opportunity of cooking various delicacies at home, a range of shops ex