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avoid the great danger of our time, that of setting | holders, and an aristocratick representation, at the up number against property. The numbers ought choice of the Crown, neither was the choice of the never to be neglected; because (besides what is due Crown, nor the election of the landholders, limited to them as men) collectively, though not indivi- hy a consideration of religion. We had no dread dually, they have great property : they ought to for the protestant church, which we settled there, have therefore protection : they ought to have because we permitted the French catholicks, in security : they ought to have even consideration : the utmost latitude of the description, to be free but they ought not to predominate.

subjects. They are good subjects, I have no My dear Sir, I have nearly done; I meant to doubt; but I will not allow that any French Cawrite

you a long letter; I have written a long dis- nadian, catholicks are better men or better citisertation. I might have done it earlier and better, zens than the Irish of the same communion. I might have been more forcible and more clear, Passing from the extremity of the west, to the if I had not been interrupted as I have been; and extremity almost of the east; I have been many this obliges me not to write to you in my own years (now entering into the twelfth) employed hand. Though my hand but signs it, my heart in supporting the rights, privileges, laws, and goes with what I have written. Since I could think immunities, of a very remote people. I have not at all, those have been my thoughts. You know as yet been able to finish my task. I have strugthat thirty-two years ago they were as fully ma- gled through much discouragement and much tured in my mind as they are now. A letter of opposition, much obloquy, much calumny, for a mine to Lord Kenmare, though not by my desire, people with whom I have no tie, but the common and full of lesser mistakes, has been printed in bond of mankind. In this I have not been left Dublin. It was written ten or twelve years ago, alone. We did not fly from our undertaking, at the time when I began the employment, which because the people are Mahometans or pagans, I have not yet finished, in favour of another dis- and that a great majority of the Christians amongst tressed people, injured by those who have van- them are papists. Some gentlemen in Ireland, I quished them, or stolen à dominion over them. dare say, have good reasons for what they may do, It contained my sentiments then; you will see how which do not occur to me. I do not presume to far they accord with my sentiments now. Time condemn them : but thinking and acting as I have has more and more confirmed me in them all. done, towards these remote nations, I should not The present circumstances fix them deeper in my know how to shew my face, here or in Ireland, if I mind.

say that all the pagans, all the mussulmen, I voted last session, if a particular vote could be and even all the papists, (since they must form the distinguished, in unanimity, for an establishment highest stage in the climax of evil,) are worthy of of the church of England conjointly with the estab- a liberal and honourable condition, except those lishment which was made some years before by act of one of the descriptions, which forms the maof parliament, of the Roman catholick, in the jority of the inhabitants of the country in which French conquered country of Canada. At the you and I were born. If such are the catholicks time of making this English ecclesiastical establish- of Ireland, -ill-natured and unjust people, from ment, we did not think it necessary for its safety, our own data, may be inclined not to think better to destroy the former Gallican church settlement. of the protestants of a soil, which is supposed to In our first act we settled a government altogether infuse into its sects a kind of venom unknown in monarchical, or nearly so. In that system, the Ca- other places. nadian catholicks were far from being deprived of You hated the old system as early as I did. Your the advantages or distinctions, of any kind, which first juvenile lance was broken against that giant. they enjoyed under their former monarchy. It is I think you were even the first who attacked the true, that some people, and amongst them one emi- grim phantom. You have an exceedingly good unnent divine, predicted at that time, that by this derstanding, very good humour, and the best heart step we should lose our dominions in America. in the world. The dictates of that temper and He foretold that the pope would send his indul- that heart, as well as the policy pointed out by gences hither ; that the Canadians would fall in that understanding, led you to abhor the old code. with France; would declare independence, and You abhorred it, as I did, for its vicious perfecdraw or force our colonies into the same design. tion. For I must do it justice: it was a complete The independence happened according to his pre- system, full of coherence and consistency; well diction ; but in directly the reverse order. All our digested and well composed in all its parts. It was English protestant countries revolted. They joined a machine of wise and elaborate contrivance; and themselves to France : and it so happened that as well fitted for the oppression, impoverishment, popish Canada was the only place which pre- and degradation of a people, and the debasement, served its fidelity ; the only place in which France in them, of human nature itself, as ever proceeded got no footing; the only peopled colony which from the perverted ingenuity of man. It is a thing now remains to Great Britain. Vain are all the humiliating enough, that we are doubtful of the prognosticks taken from ideas and passions, which effect of the medicines we compound. We are survive the state of things which gave rise to them. sure of our poisons. My opinion ever was (in When last year we gave a popular representation which I heartily agree with those that admired to the same Canada, by the choice of the land the old code) that it was so constructed, that if there was once a breach in any essential part of it; , honour. There never was so much ability, nor, the ruin of the whole, or nearly of the whole, was I believe, virtue, in it. They have a task worthy at some time or other, a certainty. For that rea- of both. I doubt not they will perform it, for the son I honour, and shall for ever honour and love stability of the church and state, and for the union you, and those who first caused it to stagger, crack, and the separation of the people: for the union of and gape.—Others


may finish; the beginners have the honest and peaceable of all sects ; for their the glory; and, take what part you please at this separation from all that is ill-intentioned and hour, (I think you will take the best,) your first seditious in any of them. services will never be forgotten by a grateful country. Adieu! Present my best regards to those I Beaconsfield, January 3, 1792. know, and as many as I know in our country, I

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The king, my master, from his sincere desire His Majesty, liaving always thought it his greatof keeping up a good correspondence with his est glory, that he rules over a people perfectly most Christian majesty, and the French nation, has and solidly, because soberly, rationally, and lefor some time beheld with concern the condition gally, free, can never be supposed to proceed in into which that sovereign and nation have fallen. offering thus his royal mediation, but with an un

Notwithstanding the reality and the warmth of affected desire, and full resolution, to consider the those sentiments, His Britannick Majesty has settlement of a free constitution in France, as the hitherto forborne in any manner to take part in very basis of any agreement between the sovereign their affairs, in hopes that the common interest of and those of his subjects who are unhappily at king and subjects would render all parties sensible variance with him ; to guarantee it to them, if it of the necessity of settling their government, and should be desired, in the most solemn and authentheir freedom, upon principles of moderation; as tick manner, and to do all that in him lies to prothe only means of securing permanence to both cure the like guarantee from other powers. these blessings, as well as internal and external His Britannick Majesty, in the same manner, tranquillity, to the kingdom of France, and to all assures the most Christian king, that he knows Europe.

too well, and values too highly, what is due to the His Britannick Majesty finds, to his great re- dignity and rights of crowned heads, and to the gret, that his hopes have not been realized. He implied faith of treaties which have always been finds, that confusions and disorders have rather made with the Crown of France, ever to listen to encreased than diminished, and that they now any proposition by which that monarchy shall be threaten to proceed to dangerous extremities. despoiled of all its rights, so essential for the sup

In this situation of things, the same regard to a port of the consideration of the prince, and the neighbouring sovereign living in friendship with concord and welfare of the people. Great Britain, the same spirit of good-will to the If, unfortunately, a due attention should not be kingdom of France, the same regard to the gene- paid to these His Majesty's benevolent and neighral tranquillity, which have caused 'him to view, bourly offers, or, if


circumstances should prewith concern, the growth and continuance of the vent the most Christian king from acceding (as present disorders, have induced the King of Great His Majesty has no doubt he is well disposed to Britain to interpose his good offices towards a re- do) to this healing mediation in favour of himself concilement of those unhappy differences. This and all his subjects, His Majesty has commanded His Majesty does with the most cordial regard to me to take leave of this court, as not conceiving the good of all descriptions concerned, and with it to be suitable to the dignity of his crown, and the most perfect sincerity, wholly removing from to what he owes to his faithful people, any longer his royal mind all memory of every circumstance to keep a publick minister at the court of a sovewhich might impede him in the execution of a reign who is not in possession of his own liberty. plan of benevolence which he has so much at heart.





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In all our transactions with France, and at all / pended, by their authority, from his government. periods, we have treated with that state on the Under equally notorious constraint, and under mefooting of a monarchy. Monarchy was considered naces of total deposition, he has been compelled to in all the external relations of that kingdom with accept what they call a constitution, and to agree every power in Europe as its legal and constitu- to whatever else the usurped power, which holds tional government, and that in which alone its him in confinement, thinks proper to impose. federal capacity was vested.

His next brother, who had fled with him, and Montmorin's It is not yet a year since Monsieur his third brother, who had fled before him, all the

de Montmorin formally, and with as princes of his blood, who remained faithful to him, little respect as can be imagined to the king, and and the flower of his magistracy, his clergy, and to all crowned heads, announced a total revolution his nobility, continue in foreign countries, protestin that country.

He has informed the British ing against all acts done by him in his present ministry, that its frame of government is wholly situation, on the grounds upon which he had himaltered; that he is one of the ministers of the new self protested against them at the time of his flight; system ; and, in effect, that the king is no longer with this addition, that they deny his very comhis master (nor does he even call him such) but petence (as on good grounds they may) to abrothe “first of the ministers,” in the new system. gate the royalty, or the ancient constitutional orAcceptance of

The second notification was that of ders of the kingdom. In this protest they are the constitu- the king's acceptance of the new con- joined by three hundred of the late assembly

stitution ; accompanied with fanfaro- itself, and, in effect, by a great part of the French nades in the modern style of the French bureaus ; nation. The new government (so far as the people things which have much more the air and character dare to disclose their sentiments) is disdained, I of the saucy declamations of their clubs, than the am persuaded, by the greater number; who, as M. tone of regular office.

de la Fayette complains, and as the truth is, have It has not been very usual to notify to foreign declined to take any share in the new elections courts any thing concerning the internal arrange- to the National Assembly, either as candidates or ments of any state. In the present case, the cir- electors. cumstance of these two notifications, with the In this state of things, (that is, in the case of la observations with which they are attended, does divided kingdom,) by* the law of nations, Great not leave it in the choice of the sovereigns of Britain, like every other power, is free to take any Christendom to appear ignorant either of this part she pleases. She may decline, with more or French Revolution, or (what is more important) of less formality, according to her discretion, to acits principles.

knowledge this new system; or she may recogWe know, that, very soon after this manifesto of nise it as a government de facto, setting aside all • Monsieur de Montmorin, the king of France, in discussion of its original legality, and considering whose name it was made, found himself obliged to the ancient monarchy as at an end. The law of fly, with his whole family ; leaving behind him a nations leaves our court open to its choice. We declaration, in which he disavows and annuls that have no direction but what is found in the well constitution, as having been the effect of force on understood policy of the king and kingdom. his person and usurpation on his authority. It is This declaration of a new species of government, equally notorious that this unfortunate prince was, on new principles, (such it professes itself to be,) with many circumstances of insult and outrage, is a real crisis in the politicks of Europe. The brought back prisoner, by a deputation of the pre-conduct which prudence ought to dictate to Great tended National Assembly, and afterwards sus- Britain, will not depend (as hitherto our connexion See Vattel, b ii. c. 4. sect. 56. and b. iii. c. 18. sect. 206.

This con

or quarrel with other states has for some time de- | alternatives true ąs to Germany, and false as to pended) upon merely external relations ; but in a every other country. Neither are questions of great measure also upon the system which we may theoretick truth and falsehood governed by cirthink it right to adopt for the internal government cumstances any more than by places. On that of our own country.

occasion, therefore, the spirit of proselytism exIf it be our policy to assimilate our government panded itself with great elasticity upon all sides; to that of France, we ought to prepare for this and great divisions were every where the result. change, by encouraging the schemes of authority These divisions, however, in appearance merely established there. We ought to wink at the cap- dogmatick, soon became mixed with the political ; tivity and deposition of a prince, with whom, if and their effects were rendered much more intense not in close alliance, we were in friendship. We from this combination. Europe was for a long ought to fall in with the ideas of Mons. Mont-time divided into two great factions, under the morin's circular manifesto ; and to do business of name of catholick and protestant, which not only course with the functionaries who act under the often alienated state from state, but also divided new power, by which that king, to whom his almost every state within itself. The warm parties majesty's minister has been sent to reside, has been in each state were more affectionately attached to deposed and imprisoned. On that idea we ought those of their own doctrinal interest in some other also to withhold all sorts of direct or indirect coun- country, than to their fellow-citizens, or to their tenance from those who are treating in Germany natural government, when they or either of them for the re-establishment of the French monarchy happened to be of a different persuasion. These and of the ancient orders of that state.

factions, wherever they prevailed, if they did not duct is suitable to this policy.

absolutely destroy, at least weakened and disThe question is, whether this policy be suitable tracted, the locality of patriotism. The publick afto the interests of the crown and subjects of Great fections came to have other motives and other ties. Britain. Let us, therefore, a little consider the true It would be to repeat the history of the two nature and probable effects of the revolution which, last centuries to exemplify the effects of this revoin such a very unusual manner, has been twice lution. diplomatically announced to his majesty.

Although the principles to which it gave rise did Difference be- There have been many internal not operate with a perfect regularity and contween this rei revolutions in the government of stancy, they never wholly ceased to operate. Few

and others. countries, both as to persons and wars were made, and few treaties were entered forms, in which the neighbouring states have had into, in which they did not come in for some part. little or no concern. Whatever the government They gave a colour, a character, and direction, to might be with respect to those persons and those all the politicks of Europe. forms, the stationary interests of the nation con- These principles of internal as well New system cerned have most commonly influenced the new as external division and coalition are of politicks. governments in the same manner in which they in- but just now extinguished. But they, who will exfluenced the old; and the revolution, turning on amine into the true character and genius of some matter of local grievance, or of local accommoda- late events, must be satisfied that other sources of tion, did not extend beyond its territory.

faction, combining parties among the inhabitants Nature of the

The present Revolution in France of different countries into one connexion, are French Revo seems to me to be quite of another opened, and that from these sources are likely to

character and description; and to arise effects full as important as those which had bear little resemblance or analogy to any of those formerly arisen from the jarring interests of the which have been brought about in Europe, upon religious sects. The intention of the several actors principles merely political. It is a revolution of in the change in France is not a matter of doubt. doctrine and theoretick dogma. It has a much It is very openly professed. greater resemblance to those changes which have In the modern world, before this time, there has been made upon religious grounds, in which a been no instance of this spirit of general political spirit of proselytism makes an essential part. faction, separated from religion, pervading several

The last revolution of doctrine and theory which countries, and forming a principle of union behas happened in Europe, is the Reformation. It is tween the partisans in each. But the thing is not not for my purpose to take any notice here of the less in human nature. The ancient world has merits of that revolution, but to state one only of furnished a strong and striking instance of such a its effects.

ground for faction, full as powerful and full as That effect was to introduce other mischievous as our spirit of religious system had

interests into all countries than those ever been; cxciting in all the states of Greece which arose from their locality and natural cir- (European and Asiatick) the most violent animosicumstunces. The principle of the Reformation ties, and the most cruel and bloody persecutions and was such as, by its essence, could not be local or proscriptions. These ancient factions in each comconfined to the country in which it had its origin. monwealth of Greece connected themselves with For instance, the doctrine of “ Justification by those of the same description in some other states; faith or by works,” which was the original basis and secret cabals and publick alliances were carried of the Reformation, could not have one of its on and made, not upon a conformity of general

Its effects.


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