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This letter you

but be held as precious as our lives, my master | if he is at enmity with any one, he never will deaccepted it. You may remain satisfied, that I sist till he has worked his destruction ; he is now will get the Ongole business settled in your name; exceedingly displeased with the nabob, and you I will cause the jamaubundee to be settled agree- will understand by and by that the nabob's ably to your

desire. It was formerly the nabob's business cannot be carried on; he (the nabob) intention to give this business to you, as the go- will have no power to do any thing in his own vernour knows full well, but did not at that time affairs ;

you have therefore no room to fear him. agree to it, which you must be well acquainted with. You may remain with a contented mind—I de

Your peasher Vancatroyloo is a very careful sired the governour to write you a letter for your good man- he is well experienced in business, satisfaction; the governour said he would do so he has bound me by an oath to keep all this bu- when the business was settled. siness secret, and that his own, yours, and my must peruse as soon as possible, and send it back lives are responsible for it. I write this letter to with all speed by the bearer Ramadoo, accomyou with the greatest reluctance, and I signified panied by three or four of your people, to the end the same to your peasher, and declared that I would that no accident may happen on the road. These not write to you by any means: to this the peasher people must be ordered to march in the night urged, that if I did not write to his master, how Only, and to arrive here with the greatest dispatch. I

, could he know to whom he (the peasher) deli- You sent ten mangoes for my master, and two for vered the money, and what must his master think me, all which I have delivered to my master, of it ? therefore I write you this letter, and send thinking that ten was not sufficient to present it by my servant Ramanah, accompanied by the him with. I write this for your information, and peasher's servant, and it will come safe to your salute you with ten thousand

respects. hands : after perusal you will send it back to me immediately-until I receive it I don't like to eat my victuals, or take any sleep. Your peasher 1, Muttu Kistnah, of Madras took his oath, and urged me to write this for your Patnam, dubash, declare, satisfaction, and has engaged to me that I shall That I perfectly understand have this letter returned to me in the space of

the Gentoo language; and twelve days.

do most solemnly affirm, Muttu Kistnah.

(Signed) The present governour is not like the former go- that the foregoing is a true vernours—he is a very great man in Europe-and translation of the annexed all the great men of Europe are much obliged to paper writing from the Genhim for his condescension in accepting the govern

too language. ment of this place. It is his custom when he makes friendship with any one to continue it always, and

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Mr. Burke's speech on the report of the army was declared to be for the purpose of preserving estimates has not been correctly stated in some of the balance of power in Europe. The propriety the publick papers. It is of consequence to him of its being larger or smaller depended, therefore, not to be misunderstood. The matter which inci- upon the true state of that balance. If the encrease dentally came into discussion is of the most seri- of peace establishments demanded of parliament ous importance. It is thought that the heads and agreed with the manifest appearance of the basubstance of the speech will answer the purpose lance; confidence in ministers, as to the particusufficiently. If in making the abstract, through | lars, would be very proper. If the encrease was defect of memory, in the person who now gives it

, not at all supported by any such appearance; he any difference at all should be perceived from the thought great jealousy might be, and ought to be, speech as it was spoken, it will not, the editor ima- entertained on that subject. gines, be found in any thing which may amount

That he did not find, on a review of all Europe, to a retraction of the opinions he then maintained, that, politically, we stood in the smallest degree of or to any softening in the expressions in which danger from any one state or kingdom it containthey were conveyed.

ed; nor that


other foreign powers than our Mr. Burke spoke a considerable time in answer own allies were likely to obtain a considerable to various arguments which had been insisted upon preponderance in the scale. by Mr. Grenville and Mr. Pitt, for keeping an That France had hitherto been our first object encreased peace establishment, and against an in all considerations concerning the balance of improper jealousy of the ministers, in whom a power. The presence or absence of France tofull confidence, subject to responsibility, ought to tally varied every sort of speculation relative to be placed on account of their knowledge of the that balance. real situation of affairs; the exact state of which

That France is, at this time, in a political light, it frequently happened that they could not dis- to be considered as expunged out of the system of close, without violating the constitutional and Europe. Whether she could ever appear in it political secrecy, necessary to the well-being of again as a leading power, was not easy to detertheir country.

mine: but at present he considered France as not Mr. Burke said in substance, That confidence politically existing; and most assuredly it would might become a vice, and jealousy a virtue, ac- take her much time to restore her to her former cording to circumstances. That confidence, of all active existence-Gallos quoque in bellis floruisse publick virtues, was the most dangerous, and jea- audivimus, might possibly be the language of the lousy in an house of commons, of all publick rising generation. He did not mean to deny that vices, the most tolerable ; especially where the it was our duty to keep our eye on that nation, number and the charge of standing armies, in time and to regulate our preparation by the symptoms of peace, was the question.

That in the annual mutiny bill, the annual army That it was to her strength, not to her form of

of her recovery



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government, that we were to attend; because re- vailed in its government. The same character of publicks, as well as monarchies, were susceptible despotism insinuated itself into every court of Euof ambition, jealousy, and anger, the usual causes rope, the same spirit of disproportioned magnifiof war.

cence--the same love of standing armies, above But if, while France continued in this swoon, the ability of the people. In particular, our then we should go on encreasing our expences, we sovereigns, King Charles and King James, fell in should certainly make ourselves less a match for love with the government of their neighbour, so her when it became our concern to arm.

flattering to the pride of kings. A similarity of It was said, that as she had speedily fallen, she sentiments brought on connexions equally dangermight speedily rise again. He doubted this. That ous to the interests and liberties of their country. the fall from an height was with an accelerated It were well that the infection had gone no farther velocity; but to lift a weight up to that height than the throne. The admiration of a government again was difficult, and opposed by the laws of flourishing and successful, unchecked in its operaphysical and political gravitation.

tions, and seeming therefore to compass its objects İn a political view, France was low indeed. She more speedily and effectually, gained something had lost every thing, even to her name.

upon all ranks of people. The good patriots of “ Jacet ingens littore truncus,

that day, however, struggled against it. They “ Avolsumque humeris caput,'et sine nomine corpus." * sought nothing more anxiously than to break off

all communication with France, and to beget a He was astonished at it—he was alarmed at it total alienation from its councils and its example;

- he trembled at the uncertainty of all human which, by the animosity prevalent between the greatness.

abettors of their religious system and the assertors Since the house had been prorogued in the sum- of ours, was in some degree effected. mer much work was done in France. The French This day the evil is totally

changed in France : had shewn themselves the ablest architects of ruin but there is an evil there. The disease is altered ; that had hitherto existed in the world. In that but the vicinity of the two countries remains, and very short

space of time they had completely pull- must remain ; and the natural mental habits of ed down to the ground their monarchy, their mankind are such, that the present distemper of church, their nobility, their law, their revenue, France is far more likely to be contagious than the their army, their navy, their commerce, their arts, old one; for it is not quite easy to spread a pasand their manufactures. They had done their sion for servitude among the people; but in all business for us as rivals, in a way in which twenty evils of the opposite kind our natural inclinations Ramillies or Blenheims could never have done it. are flattered. In the case of despotism there is Were we absolute conquerors, and France to lie the fædum crimen servitutis ; in the last the falsa prostrate at our feet, we should be ashamed to species libertatis ; and accordingly, as the histosend a commission to settle their affairs, which rian says, pronis auribus accipitur. could impose so hard a law upon the French, and In the last age we were in danger of being enso destructive of all their consequence as a nation, tangled by the example of France in the net of a as that they had imposed on themselves.

relentless despotism. It is not necessary to say any France, by the mere circumstances of its vicinity, thing upon that example. It exists no longer. had been, and in degree always must be, an ob- Our present danger from the example of a people, ject of our vigilance, either with regard to her whose character knows no medium, is, with reactual power, or to her influence and example. gard to government, a danger from anarchy; a As to the former he had spoken; as to the latter, danger of being led through an admiration of suc(her example,) he should say a few words : for by cessful fraud and violence, to an imitation of the this example our friendship and our intercourse excesses of an irrational, unprincipled, proscribing, with that nation had once been, and might again confiscating, plundering, ferocious, bloody, and become, more dangerous to us than their worst tyrannical democracy. On the side of religion, hostility.

the danger of their example is no longer from In the last century, Louis the Fourteenth had intolerance, but from atheism ; a foul, unnatural established a greater and better disciplined mili-vice, foe to all the dignity and consolation of mantary force than ever had been before seen in Eu-kind; which seems in France, for a long time, to rope, and with it a perfect despotism. Though have been embodied into a faction, accredited, that despotism was proudly arrayed in manners, and almost avowed. gallantry, splendour, magnificence, and even co- These are our present dangers from France : but, vered over with the imposing robes of science, in his opinion, the very worst part of the example literature, and arts, it was, in government, nothing set, is in the late assumption of citizenship by the better than a painted and gilded tyranny; in re- army, and the whole of the arrangement, or rather ligion, a hard, stern intolerance, the fit companion disarrangement, of their military. and auxiliary to the despotick tyranny which pre- He was sorry that his right honourable friend

Mr. Burke, probably, had in his mind the remainder of the passage, and was filled with some congenial apprehensions ;

• Hec finis Priami fatorum; hic exitus illum
"Sorte tulit, Trojarr, incensam, et prolapsa videntem

" Pergama; tot quondam populis, terrisque, superbum
“ Regnatorem Asiæ. Jacet ingens littore truncus,
“ Avolsumque humeris caput, et sine nomine corpus.
" At me tum primum sævus circumstetit horror;
“ Obstupui :

: subiit chari genitoris imago."

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(Mr. Fox) had dropped even a word expressive of vented all real reformation, but introduced evils exultation on that circumstance; or that he seemed which would call, but perhaps call in vain, for of opinion that the objection from standing armies new reformation. was at all lessened by it. He attributed this opi- That he thought the French nation very unwise. nion of Mr. Fox entirely to his known zeal for what they valued themselves on, was a disgrace the best of all causes, Liberty. That it was with to them. They had gloried (and some people in a pain inexpressible he was obliged to have even England had thought fit to take share in that the shadow of a difference with his friend, whose glory) in making a revolution; as if revolutions authority would always be great with him, and were good things in themselves. All the horrours, with all thinking people—Quæ maxima semper and all the crimes, of the anarchy which led to their censetur nobis, et erit quæ maxima semper.—His revolution, which attend its progress, and which confidence in Mr. Fox was such, and so ample, may virtually attend it in its establishment, pass as to be almost implicit. That he was not ashamed for nothing with the lovers of revolutions. The to avow that degree of docility. That when the French have made their way, through the destrucchoice is well made, it strengthens instead of option of their country, to a bad constitution, when pressing our intellect. That he who calls in the they were absolutely in possession of a good one. aid of an equal understanding doubles his own. They were in possession of it the day the states met He who profits of a superiour understanding raises in separate orders. Their business, had they been his powers to a level with the height of the supe- either virtuous or wise, or had they been left to riour understanding he unites with. He had found their own judgment, was to secure the stability the benefit of such a junction, and would not light- and independence of the states, according to those ly depart from it. He wished almost, on all oc-orders, under the monarch on the throne. It was casions, that his sentiments were understood to be then their duty to redress grievances. conveyed in Mr. Fox's words; and he wished, as Instead of redressing grievances, and improving amongst the greatest benefits he could wish the the fabrick of their state, to which they were called country, an eminent share of power to that right by their monarch, and sent by their country, they honourable gentleman; because he knew, that, to were made to take a very different course. They his great and masterly understanding, he had join- first destroyed all the balances and counterpoises ed the greatest possible degree of that natural which serve to fix the state, and to give it a steady moderation, which is the best corrective of power; direction; and which furnish sure correctives to that he was of the most artless, candid, open, and any violent spirit which may prevail in any of the benevolent disposition; disinterested in the ex- orders. These balances existed in their oldest contreme; of a temper mild and placable even to a stitution; and in the constitution of this country; fault; without one drop of gall in his whole con- and in the constitution of all the countries in Eustitution.

rope. These they rashly destroyed, and then they That the house must perceive, from his coming melted down the whole into one incongruous, illforward to mark an expression or two of his best connected mass. friend, how anxious he was to keep the distemper When they had done this, they instantly, and of France from the least countenance in England, with the most atrocious perfidy and breach of all where he was sure some wicked persons had shewn faith among men, laid the axe to the root of all a strong disposition to recommend an imitation of property, and consequently of all national prosthe French spirit of reform. He was so strongly perity, by the principles they established, and the opposed to any the least tendency towards the example they set, in confiscating all the possessions means of introducing a democracy like theirs, as of the church. They made and recorded a sort of well as to the end itself

, that much as it would institute and digest of anarchy, called the rights of afflict him, if such a thing could be attempted, and man, in such a pedantick abuse of elementary printhat any

friend of his could concur in such mea- ciples as would have disgraced boys at school; but sures, (he was far, very far, from believing they this declaration of rights was worse than trifling could,) he would abandon his best friends, and and pedantick in them; as by their name and aujoin with his worst enemies to oppose either the thority they systematically destroyed every hold means or the end; and to resist all violent exer- of authority by opinion, religious or civil, on the tions of the spirit of innovation, so distant from minds of the people. By this mad declaration they all principles of true and safe reformation ; a spirit subverted the state; and brought on such calamiwell calculated to overturn states, but perfectly ties as no country, without a long war, has ever unfit to amend them.

been known to suffer; and which may in the end That he was no enemy to reformation. Almost produce such a war, and perhaps, many such. every

business in which he was much concerned, With them the question was not between desfrom the first day he sat in that house to that potism and liberty. The sacrifice they made of hour, was a business of reformation; and when he the peace and power of their country was not had not been employed in correcting, he had been made on the altar of freedom. Freedom, and : employed in resisting, abuses. Some traces of this better security for freedom than that they have spirit in him now stand on their statute book. In taken, they might have had without any sacrifice his opinion, any thing which unnecessarily tore to at all. They brought themselves into all the rapieces the contexture of the state, not only pre-lamities they suffer, not that through them they

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might obtain a British constitution; they plunged they animated one another to rapine and murder; themselves headlong into those calamities, to pre- whilst abetted by ambitious men of another class, vent themselves from settling into that constitution, they were crushing every thing respectable and or into any thing resembling it.

virtuous in their nation, and to their power disThat if they should perfectly succeed in what gracing almost every name, by which we formerly they propose, as they are likely enough to do, and knew there was such a country in the world as establish a democracy, or a mob of democracies, France. in a country circumstanced like France, they will He knew too well, and he felt as much as any establish a very

bad government-a very bad spe- man, how difficult it was to accommodate a standcies of tyranny.

ing army to a free constitution, or to any constiThat the worst effect of all their proceeding tution. An armed, disciplined body is, in its was on their military, which was rendered an essence, dangerous to liberty; undisciplined, it is army for every purpose but that of defence. ruinous to society. Its component parts are, in That if the question was, whether soldiers were the latter case, neither good citizens nor good solto forget they were citizens, as an abstract pro- diers. What have they thought of in France, position, he could have no difference about it; under such a difficulty as almost puts the human though as it is usual, when abstract principles are faculties to a stand ? They have put their army to be applied, much was to be thought on the under such a variety of principles of duty, that it manner of uniting the character of citizen and sol- is more likely to breed litigants, pettifoggers, and dier. But as applied to the events which had hap- mutineers, than soldiers. They have set up, to pened in France, where the abstract principle was balance their crown army, another army, deriving clothed with its circumstances, he thought that under another authority, called a municipal armyhis friend would agree with him, that what was a balance of armies, not of orders. These latter done there furnished no matter of exultation, they have destroyed with every mark of insult and either in the act or the example. These soldiers oppression. States may, and they will best, exist were not citizens ; but base hireling mutineers, with a partition of civil powers. Armies cannot exand mercenary sordid deserters, wholly destitute ist under a divided command. This state of things of any honourable principle. Their conduct was he thought, in effect, a state of war, or, at best, one of the fruits of that anarchick spirit, from the but a truce instead of peace,

in the country. evils of which a democracy itself was to be resort

What a dreadful thing is a standing army for ed to, by those who were the least disposed to that the conduct of the whole or any part of which no form, as a sort of refuge. It was not an army in man is responsible! In the present state of the corps and with discipline, and embodied under French crown army, is the crown responsible for the respectable patriot citizens of the state in re- the whole of it ? Is there any general who can be sisting tyranny. Nothing like it. It was the case responsible for the obedience of a brigade ? Any of common soldiers deserting from their officers, colonel for that of a regiment ? Any captain for to join a furious licentious populace. It was a de- that of a company? And as to the municipal army, sertion to a cause, the real object of which was to reinforced as it is by the new citizen-deserters, level all those institutions, and to break all those under whose command are they? Have we not connexions, natural and civil, that regulate and seen them, not led by, but dragging, their nominal hold together the community by a chain of sub-commander with a rope about his neck, when they, ordination ; to raise soldiers against their officers; or those whom they accompanied, proceeded to servants against their masters; tradesmen against the most atrocious acts of treason and murder ? their customers; artificers against their employers; Are any of these armies ? Are any of these cititenants against their landlords ; curates against zens ? their bishops ; and children against their parents. We have in such a difficulty as that of fitting a That this cause of theirs was not an enemy to ser-standing army to the state, he conceived, done vitude, but to society.

much better. We have not distracted our army He wished the house to consider, how the mem- by divided principles of obedience. We have put bers would like to have their mansions pulled them under a single authority, with a simple (our down and pillaged, their persons abused, insulted, common) oath of fidelity; and we keep the whole and destroyed; their title deeds brought out and under our annual inspection. This was doing all burned before their faces, and themselves and their that could be safely done. families driven to seek refuge in every nation He felt some concern that this strange thing, throughout Europe, for no other reason than this, called a Revolution in France, should be comthat, without any fault of theirs, they were born pared with the glorious event commonly called the gentlemen, and men of property, and were sus- Revolution in England; and the conduct of the pected of a desire to preserve their consideration soldiery, on that occasion, compared with the beand their estates. The desertion in France was to haviour of some of the troops of France in the preaid an abominable sedition, the very professed prin- sent instance. At that period the Prince of Orange, ciple of which was an implacable hostility to nobi- a prince of the blood-royal in England, was called lity and gentry, and whose savage war-whoop was in by the flower of the English aristocracy to des à lAristocrate,” by which senseless, bloody cry, fend its ancient constitution, and not to level all

• They are sworn to obey the king, the nation, and the law.


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