conditional fubmiffion to the tyranny of irritated minifters, or refiftance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this conteft, and find nothing fo dreadful as voluntary flavery. Honor, juftice and humanity forbid us tamely to furrender that freedom, which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent pofterity have a right to receive from us, We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of refigning fucceding generations, to that wretchednefs which inevitably awaits them, if we bafely entail he reditary bondage upon them. 32. Our caufe is juft. Our union is perfect. Our internal refources are great; and if neceffary, foreign affiftance is undoubtedly attainable. We greatfully acknowledge, as fig nal intances of the Divine favor towards us, that Providence would not permit us to be called into the fevere controverfy, until we were grown up to our prefent ftrength, and had been previously exercifed in warlike operations, and poffeffed of the means of defending our felves. we 33. With hearts fortified with thefe animating reflections, we moft folemnly, before God and the world, declare, that exerting the utmott energy of those powers, which our benefi cen Creator has graciously bestowed upon us, the arms have been compelled by our enemies to affume, we will in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perfe. verance, employ for the prefervation of our liberties; being with one mind, refolved to die freemen rather than to live faves. 34. Left this declaration fhould difquiet the minds of our friends and fellow fubjects in any part of the empire, we affure them that we mean not to diffolve that union which has fo long and fo happily fubfifted between us, and which we fincerely wish to fee reftored. Neceffity has not yet driven us into that defparate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. 35. We have not raised armies with ambitious defigns of feparating from Great Britain, and eftablishing independent ftates. We fight not for glory or for conqueft. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable fpectacle of a people attacked by unprov ked enemies, without an imputation or even fufpi cion of offence. They boaft of their privileges and civiliza tion, and yet proffer no milder conditions than fervitude of death. N✩ 36. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth right, and which we ever enjoyed till the late vi. olation of it; for the protection of our property, acquired folely by the honeft industry of our forefathers and ourlelves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms.We fhall lay them down when hoftilities fhall ceafe on the part of the aggreffors, and all danger of their being renewed fhall be removed, and not before. 37. With an humble confidence in the mercies of the fu preme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to difpofe our adverfaries to secon ciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war. Extra& from Mr. AMES' Speech in Congress on the fubject of ext cuting the Treaty between the United States and Great Britain. 1. THE 1.THE confequences of refufing to make provifion for the treaty are not all to be forefeen. By rejecting, vaft in. terefts are committed to the sport of the winds. Chance becomes the arbiter of events, and it is forbidden to human forefight, to count their number, or measure their extent. Before we refolve to leap into this abyfs, fo dark and fo profound, it becomes us to pause and reflect upon fuch of the dangers as are obvious and inevitable. If this affembly fhould be raught into a temper to defy the confequences, it is vain, it is deceptive to pretend that we can escape them. It is worse than weak nefs to fay, that as to public faith our vote has already fettled the question. Another tribunal than our own is already erected. The public opinion, not merely of our own country, but of the enlightened world, will pronounce à judgment that we cannot refift, that we dare not even affect to cefpife. Re 2. Well may I urge it to men who know the worth of charafter, that it is no trivial calamity to have it contested. fufing to do what the treaty ftipulates fhall be done, opens the controverfy. Even if we fhould ftand justified at lalt, a character that is vindictated is fomething worfe than it stood be fore, unquestioned and unquestionable. Like the plaintiff in an action of flander, we recover a reputation disfured by invective, and even tarnished by too much handling. In the combat for the honor of the nation, it may receive fome weunds, though they fhall heal, will leave fcars. I need not fay, for furely the feelings of every bofom have anticipated, that we cannot guard this fenfe of national hónor, this everliving fire which alone keeps patriotifm warm in the heart, with a fenfibility too vigilant and jealous. 3. If, by executing the treaty, there is no poffibility of difhonor, and if, by rejecting, there is fome foundation for doubt and for reproach, it is not for me to meafure, it is for your own feelings to estimate, the vaft diftance that dividea the one fide of the alternative from the other. 4. To expatiate on the value of public faith may pafs with fome men for declamation-to fuch men I have nothing to fay. To others I will urge, can any circumstance mark upon a peo. ple more turpitude and debafement? Can any thing tend more to make men think themselves mean, or degrade to a lower point their eftimation of virtue and their standard of action. 5. It would not merely demoralize mankind, it tends to break all the ligaments of fociety, to diffolve that myfterious charm which attracts individuals to the nation, and to inspire in its flead a repulsive sense of shame and disgust. 6. What is patriotifm? Is it a narrow affection for the fpot where a man was born? Are the very clods where we tread entitled to this ardent preference because they are green. er? No, fir, this is not the character of the virtue, and it foars higher for its object. It is an extended felf love, ming. ling with all the enjoyments of life, and twitting itself with the minutest filaments of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of fociety, because they are the laws of virtue. In their authority we fee, not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as facred. He is willing to rifk his life in its de. fence, and is confcious that he gains protection while he gives. it. For what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable when a ftate renounces the principles that conftitute their fecurity? Or, if his life fhould not be invaded what would its enjoyments be in a country odious in the eyes of ftrangers, and dishonored in his own? Could he look with affection and veneration to fuch a country as his parent? The fenfe of having one would die within him, he would blush for hig patriotifm, if he retained any, and juftly, for it would be a vice. He would be a banished man in his native land, 7. I fee no exception to the refpect that is paid among da tions to the laws of good faith. If there are cafes in this en lightened period, when it is violated, there are none when it is decreed. It is the philofophy of politics, the religion of governments. It is obferved by barbarians-a whiff of tobac co-fmoke or a ftring of beads, gives not merely binding force, but fanctity to treaties. Even in Algiers a truce may be bought for money, but when ratified, even Algiers too wife or too jult to difown and anaul its obligation, Thus we fee neither the ignorance of favages, not the principles of an affo ciation for piracy and rapine, permit a nation to defpife its engagements. If, fir, their could be a refurrection from the foot of the gallows, if the victims of juftice could live again, collect together and form a fociety, they would, however loath, foon find themselves obliged to make justice, that juftice under which they fell, the fundamental law of their state. They would perceive it was their intereft to make others refpec, and they would therefore foon pay fome refpect themselves to the obligations of good faith. 8. It is painful, I hope it is fuperfluous, to make even the fuppofition that America fhould furnish the occafion of this opprobrium. No, let me not even imagine, that a republican government fprung, as our own is, from a people enlightened and uncorrupted, a government whofe original right, and whofe daily difcipline is duty, can, upon folemn debate, make its op. tion to be faithlefs--can dare to act what defpots dare not avow, what our own example evinces, the ftates of Barbary are un fufpected of. No, let me rather make the fuppofition that Great Britain refufes to execute the treaty, after we have done every thing to carry it into effect. Is their any lan guage of reproach pungent enought to exprefs our commen tary on the fact? What would you fay, or rather what would you not fay? Would you not tell them, wherever an Englishman might travel, fhame would stick to him-he would difown has country. You would exclaim, England, proud of your wealth, and arrogant in the poffeffion of power-blush for thefe diftinctions, which becomes the vehicles of your dishonor. Such a nation might truly fay, to corruption, Thou art my father, and to the worm, Thou art my mother and my fifter. We should fay of such a race of men, their name is a heavier burden than their debt. 9. The refufal of the pofts (inevitable if we reject the trea ty) is a measure too decifive in its nature to be natural in its Confequences. From great caufes we are to look for great ef fects. A plain and obvious one will be, the price of the western lands will fall. Settlers will not chufe to fix their habitation on a field of battle. Those who talk fo much of the interest of the United States fhould calculate how deeply it will be af. fected by rejecting the treaty-how vaft a tract of wild land will almost ceafe to be property. This lofs, let it be obferved, will fall upon a fund exprefsly devoted to fink the national debt. What then are we called upon to do? However the form of the vote and the proteftations of many may difguise the proceeding, our refolution is in fubftance, and it deferves to wear the title of a refolution to prevent the fale of the western lands, and the discharge of the public debt. 10. Will the tendency to Indian hoftility be contefted by any one? Experience gives the anfwer. The frontiers were fcourged with war till the negociation with Great-Britain was far advanced, and then the ftate of hoftility ceased.. Perhaps the public agents of both nations were innocent of fomenting the Indian war, and perhaps they were not. We ought not however to expect that neighboring nations, highly irritated against each other, will neglect the friendship of the favages, the tra ders will gain an influence, and will abuse it-and who is igno rant that their paffions are easily raifed and hardly reftrained from violence? Their fituation will oblige them to chufe between this country and Great-Britain, 'in cafe the treaty fhould be rejected. They will not be our friends and at the fame time the friends of our enemies. 11. If any, against all thefe proofs, fhould maintain that the peace with the Indians will be table without the pofts, to them I will urge another reply. From arguments calculated to pro duce conviction, I will appeal directly to the hearts of those who hear me, and ask whether it is not already planted there? I refort especially to the conviction of the Western gentlemen whether, fuppofing no pots and no treaty, the fettlers will remain in fecurity? Can they take it upon them to say, that an Indian peace under these circumftances, will prove firm? No, fir, it will not be peace but a fword; It will be no better than a lure to draw victims within the reach of the tomahawk. 12. On this theme my emotions are unutterable: If I could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, I would fwell my voice to fuch a note of remonstrance, it fhould reach every log-houfe beyond the mountains. I would fay to the inhabitants, wake from your falfe fecurity. Your |