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conditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or relistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary Ravery. Honor, justice and humanity forbid us tamely to furrender that freedom, which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us, We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of religning fucceding generations, to that wretch. ednels which inevitably awaits them, if we barely eatail he. reditary bondage upon them.

32. Our cause is juft. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great ; and if necessary, foreign assistance is una doubtedly attainable. We greatfully acknowledge, as liga nal initances of the Divine favor towards us, that Providence would not permit us to be called into the severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, and had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves.

33. With hearts fortified with these animating refications, we moit solemnly, before God and the world, declare. that exerting the ilmoit energy of those powers, which our benefi. cen Creator has gracioully beftowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmaels and perfc. verance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind, resolved to die freemen rather than to live flares,

34. Lest this declaration fould disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjećts in any part of the empire, we asfure them that we mean not to diffolve that union which has so long and so happily fubfifted betw

ween us, and which we line cerely

wish to see restored. Necefiity has not yet driven us into that desparate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them.

35. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and establithing independent ftates. We fight not for glory or for conqueft. We exhibic to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprov ked enemies, without an imputation or even fufpicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude of death,

36. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth right, and which we ever enjoyed till the late vi.. olation of its for the protection of our property, acquired folely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourlelves, apainit violence actually offered, we have taken up arms.-We hall lay then down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed fhall be removed, and not before.

37. With an humble confidence in the mercies of the fue preme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to secona ciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.

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Extra& from Mr. Anes' Speech in Congress on the subject of extcuting the Treaty between the United States and Great Britain,

HE consequences of refusing to make provision for the

treaty are not all to be foreseen. By rejecting, vaft in. terests are committed to the sport of the winds. Chance becomes the ar biter of events, and it is forbidden to human fore, fight, to count their number, or measure their extent. Before we resolve to leap into this abyss, so dark and fo profound, it becomes us to panfe and reflect upon fuch of the dangers as are obvions and inevitable. If this afiembly mhould be raught in10 a temper 10 defy the consequences, it is vain, it is deceptive to pretend that we can escape them. It is worse than weakness to say, that as to public faith our vote has already fetiled the question. Another tribunal than our own is already crected. The public opinion, not merely of our own country, but of the enlightened world, will pronounce a judgment that we cannot refift, that we dare not even affect to čespise. Well may

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urge it to men who know the worth of che. racter, that it is no trivial calamity to have it contelted. Refusing to do what the treaty ftipulates thall be done, opens the controversy. Even if we should stand jultified at lait, a character that is vindictated is something worse than it ftood be. fore, unquestioned and unquestionable. Like the plaintiff in an action of slander, we recover a reputation dissured by invective, and even tarnished by too much hapdling. In the

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combat for the honor of the nation, it may receive some weunds, though they shall heal, will leave scars. I need not fay, for surely the feelings of every bofom have anticipated, that we cannot guard this sense of national honor, this everliving fire which alone keeps patriotisin warm in the heart, with a sensibility too vigilant and jealous.

3. If, by executing the treaty, there is no pollibility of dishonor, and if, by rejecting, there is some foundation for doubt and for reproach, it is not for me to measure, it is for your own feelings to estimate, the vast distance that dividea the one side of the alternative from the other.

4. To expatiate on the value of public faith may pass with fome men for declamation -- to such men I have nothing to say. To others I will urge, can any circumstance mark upon a peo. ple more turpitude and debasement ? Can any thing tend more to make men think themselves mean, or degrade to a lower point their estimation of virtue and their standard of action.

5. It would not 'merely demoralize mankind, it tends to break all the ligaments of society, tu diffolve that mysterious charm which' attracts individuals to the nation, and to inspire in its stead a repulsive sense of shame and disguft.

6. What is patriotism ? Is it a narrow affection for the spot where a man was born ? Are the very cleds where we tread entitled to this ardent preference because they are green. er ? No, fir, this is not the character of the virtue, and it foars higher for its object. It is an extended self love, minge ling with all the enjoyments of life, and twisting itself with the minutest filaments of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of society, because they are the laws of virtue. In their authority we fee, not the array of force and terror, bat the venerable image of our country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it not only as pre. cious, but as facred. He is willing to risk his life in its den fence, and is conscious that he gains prote&ion while he gives it. For what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable when a state renounces the principles that constitute their se. curity? Or, if his life thould not be invaded what would iis cnjoyments be in a country odions in the eyes of strang. ers, and dishonored in his own ? Could he look with affection and veneration io such a country as his parent? The sense of having one would die within him, he would bluh for his patriotism, if he retained any, and justly, for it would be a vice. He would be a banished man in his naiive land,

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7. I see no exception to the respect that is paid among da. tions to the laws of good faith. If there are cafes in this en lightened period, when it is violated, there are none when it is decreed. It is the philofophy of politics, the religion of governments. It is observed by barbarians a whiff of tobac. co-smoke or a string of beadi, guves not merely binding force, but (auctity to treaties. Even in Algiers a truce may be bought tor money, but when ratified, even Algiers is too wise or too just to disown and anaul its obligation. Thus we fee neither the ignorance of savages, not the principles of an asso. ciation for firacy and rapine, permit a nation to despise iis en. gagements. If, lir, their could be a refurrection from the foot of the gallows, if the victims of justice could live again, collect together and form a fociety, they would, however loath, foon find themselves obliged to make jultice, that justice under · which they tell, the fundamental law of their late. They would perceive it was their interest to make others respect, and they would therefore foon pay fome respect themselves to the obligations of good faith,

8. It is painful, I hope il is superfluous, to make even the suppulition that America should jurnish the occation of this opprobrium. No, let me not even imagine, that a republicar government sprung, as our own is, from a people enlightened and uncorrupted, a government whofe original right, and whole daily discipline is dury, can, upon solemn debate, make its op. tion to be faithlefs--can dare to acı what despois dare not avow, whal our own example evinces, the ttates of Barbary are uno suspected of. No, let me rather make the supposition that Great Britain refuses to execute the treaty, after we have done every thing to carry it into effect. Is their any lane guage of reproach pungent enought to express our commen, tary on the fact? What would you say, or rather what would you not say ? Would you not ieli tliem, wherever an Englishman might travel, shame would fick to him he would disown has country. You would exclaim, England, proud of your wealth, and arrogant in the poffeshon of power-blul for these distinctions, which becomes the vehicles of your diskon. or. Such a nation might truly fay, to corruption, Thou art my father, and to the worm, Thou art ny mother and my fifter. We should say of such a race of men, their name is a heavier burden than their debt.

9. The refusal of the posts (inevitable if we reject the treas ty) is a measure too decisive in its nature to be natural in it

confequencċa. From great causes we are to look for great ef. feets. A plain and obvious one will be, the price of the western lands will fall. · Settlers will not chuse to fix their habitacion on a field of batile. Those who talk so much of the interest of the United States should calculate how deeply it will be af. fected by rejecting the treaty-how vast a tract of wild land will almost cease to be property. This loss, let it be observed, will fall upon a fund expressly devoted to link the national debt. What then are we called upon to do? However the form of the vote and the protestations of many may disguise the proceeding, our refolution is in substance, and it deserves to wear the title of a resolution to prevent the sale of the western lands, and the discharge of the public debt,

10. Will the tendency to Indian hoftility be contefted by any one? Experience gives the answer. The frontiers were Scourged with war till the negociation with Great-Britain was far advanced, and then the state of hoftility ccaled.. Perhaps the public agents of boil nations were innocent of fomenting the Indian war, and perhaps they were not. We cayli asi ho ever to expect that neighboring nations, highly irritated against each other, will neglect the friendship of the favages, the tra. ders will gain an influence, and will abuse it--and who is igno. rant that their paflions are easily raised and hardly restrained from violence? Their fituation will oblige them to chuse between this country and Great-Britain, 'in case the treaty should be rejected. They will not be our friends and at the lame time the friends of our enemies.

n. If any, again't all these proofs, should maintain that the peace with the Indians will be itable without the posts, to them I will urge another reply. From arguments calculated to pro.. duce conviction, I will appeal directly to the hiarts of those who hear me, and ask whether it is noi already planted there? I resort especially to the conviction of the Western gentlemen whether, supposing no posts and no treaty, the settlers will remain in security? Can they take it upon them to say, that an Indian peace under these circumstances, will prove firm ? No, fir, it will not be peace but a sword : It will be no better than a lure to draw victims withia the reach of the tomahawk.

12. On this theme my emotions are unutterable : If I could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, I would swell my voice to such a note of remonstrance, it should reach every log-house beyond the mountains. I would say to the inhabitants, wake from your falfe fecurity, Your

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