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tinental despots so long would England be the plain. It behooves us, however, to take care object of their hatred, and of machinations, that we rush not blindly into a war. Peroratin sometimes carried on covertly, sometimes open- An appeal to arms is the last al. Duty
gland to lepre 's, but always pursued with the same unremit ternative we should try, but still it pared for me ting activity, and pointed to the same end. ought never to be so foreign to our thoughts as
But it is not free states alone that have to to be deemed very distant, much less impossible: and the ne. dread this system of interference; this or so foreign from our councils as to leave us grandizement plan of marching armies to improve unprepared. Already, if there is any fore a of Russia at the expense the political condition of foreign na language, or any validity in public engagemen's,
irkey. tions. It is idle to suppose that those we are committed by the defensive treaties it o armed critics will confine their objections to the which we have entered. We are bound by va. internal policy of popular governments. Can rious ties to prevent Portugal from being overrun any one imagine that, if there be a portion of by an enemy. If (which Hearen avert!) Spain territory in the neighborhood of the Emperor were overrun by foreign invaders, what would Alexander peculiarly suited to his views, he will be the situation of Portugal ? Her frontier op not soon be able to discover some fault, to spy the side of Spain can scarcely be said to have out some flaw in its inlitical institutions requir- an existence; there is no defending it any where; ing his intervention, however little these may and it is in many places a mere imaginary line. savor of democracy, supposing it even to be a that can only be traced on the page of the gepart of the Ottoman government itself? If his ographer; her real frontier is in the Pyrenees; Imperial Majesty be present in council with his her real defense is in their fastnesses and in the consistory of jurists and diplomatists, I believe defense of Spain; whenever those passes are that it will bo in vain for the Ulemah to send a crossed, the danger which has reached Spain deputation of learned Mustis, for the purpose of will hang over Portugal. If we acknowledge vindicating the Turkish institutions. These the force of treaties, and really mean that to be sages of the law may contend that the Ottoman performed for which we engaged, though we government is of the most “venerable descrip- may not be bound to send an army of obserry. tion"—that it has " antiquity in its favor"—that tion to watch the motions of the French by land, it is in full possession of the conservative prin- | because that would be far from the surest way ciple of social order" in its purest form—that it of providing for the integrity of our ally, at least is replete with "grand truths;" a system "pow. we are bound to send a naval armament; to aid erful and paralyzed'—that it has never lent an with arms and stores; to have at all times the ear to the doctrines of a “disorganized philoso- earliest information; and to be ready at any phy"-never indulged in “ vain theories," nor moment to give effectual assistance to our anbeen visited by such things as "dreams of falla- cient ally. Above all things, we ought to de cions liberty." All this the learned and rever. that which of itself will be a powerful British end deputies of the Ulemah may urge, and may armament by sea and by land-repeal without maintain to be true as holy Koran; still “ The delay the Foreign Enlistment Bill-a measure Three Gentlemen of Verona," I fear, will turn which, in my opinion, we ought never to have a deaf ear to the argument, and set about pry enacted, for it does little credit to us either in ing for some imperfection in the "pure and ven- policy or justice. I will not, however, look erable system"-some avenue by which to enter backward to measures on the nature of which the territory; and, if they can not find a way, all may not agree; I will much rather look for. will probably not be very scrupulous about mak- ward, to avoid every matter of vituperation, reing one. The windings of the path may be hard serving all blame for the foreign tyrants whose to trace, but the result of the operation will be profligate conduct makes this nation hate them plain enough. In about three months from the with one heart and soul, and my co-operation for time of deliberation, the Emperor Alexander any faithful servant of the Crown, who shall, in will be found one morning at Constantinople— performing his duty to his country, to freedom, or, if it suit him, at Minorca—for he has long and to the world, speak a language that is trals shown a desire to have some footing in what he British-pursue a policy that is truly free and pleasantly termed the "western provinces” of look to free states as our best and most natura! Europe, which, in the Muscovite tongue, signi. allies against all enemies whatsoever; allies upon fies the petty territories of France and Spain, principle, but whose friendship was also clasei while Austria and Prussia will be invited to look connected with our highest interests; quarreiing for an indemnity elsewhere; the latter, as for- with none, whatever may be the form of their merly, taking whatever the King of England government, for that would be copying the fault: nay have on the Continent. The principles on we condemn; keeping pace wherever we could which this band of confederated despots have but not leaving ourselves a moment unprepared shown their readiness to act are dangerous in for war; not courting hostilities from any quar. the extreme, not only to free states (and to those ter, but not fearing the issue, and calmly resolved to which no liberty can be imputed), but also to to brave it at all hazards, should it involve us ir the states over which the very members of this the affray with them all; determined to main unholy league preside.
tain, amid every sacrifice, the honor and digeiry Resistance to them is a matter of duty to all of the Crown, ihe independence of the country nations, and the duty of this country is especially the ancient law of nations, the supremacy of
separate siates; all those principles which are and subsidies were the principal reliances evon cherished as most precious and most sacred by in the best cause. But, happily for mar kind, the whole civilized world.
there has arrived a great change in this respect.
Moral causes come into consideration, in propor. The views of England were wholly disregard-tion as the progress of knowledge is advanced : ed by the Allied Sovereigns, and on the 9th of and the public opinion of the civilized world is April, 1823, che French army of nearly one rapidly gaining an ascendency over mere brutal hundred thousand men, under the Duke of An force. It is already able to oppose the most goulême, entered the Spanish territory. They formidable obstruction to the progress of injus. were received with open arms by the priests tice and oppression ; and, as it grows more in and the lower classes of the people, and after telligent and more intense, it will be more and some severe conflicts forced their way to Cadiz more formidable. It may be silenced by mili within six months, October 4th, 1823. The En- tary power, but it can not be conquered. It glish having no treaty with Spain which laid the is elastic, irrepressible, and invulnerable to the foundation of their interposing to assist her, re- weapons of ordinary warfare. It is that impasmained neutral, prepared instantly to strike if sable, unextinguishable enemy of mere violence Portugal should be attacked. Ferdinand was and arbitrary rule which, like Milton's angels, invested with absolute power; and in direct vio
“Vital in every part, lation of the terms of capitulation, a persecuting
Can not, but by annihilating, die.” and vindictive policy was adopted toward the “Until this be propitiated or satisfied, it is partisans of the constitutional government. Ri- vain for power to talk either of triumphs or of ego was executed at Madrid, November 6th, and repose. No matter what fields are desolated, great cruelty exercised toward his leading as- what fortresses surrendered, what armies subsociates. Portuguese absolutists now put forth dued, or what provinces overrun. In the his. every effort in their power, conjointly with Fer- tory of the year that has passed by us, and in dinand, to break down the constitutional govern- the instance of unhappy Spain, we have seen the ment of Portugal, and in 1826 that country was vanity of all triumphs, in a cause which violates invaded from Spain. The result has been al- the general sense of justice of the civilized ready stated in connection with Mr. Canning's world. It is nothing that the troops of France speech on this subject. The insurrection was have passed from the Pyrenees to Cadiz; it is put down within two months, and Ferdinand, nothing that an unhappy and prostrate nation has fearing an invasion from England, was driven fallen before them; it is nothing that arreste, frupi his favorite design.
and confiscation, and execution sweep away the T'he student in oratory will be interested, in little remnant of national resistance. There is connection with this speech, to read that of Mr. an enemy that still exists to check the glory of Webster on the Greek revolution, delivered in these triumphs. It follows the conqueror back the House of Representatives of the United to the very scene of his ovations; it calls upon States, on the 19th of January, 1824. In the for him to take notice that Europe, though silent, is mer part of this speech, the reader will find the yet indignant; it shows him that the scepter of subject of "Intervention” discussed not merely his victory is a barren scepter; that it shall conin the spirit of just invective against those con- fer neither joy nor honor, but shall molder to dry cerned, but of searching analysis into its grounds ashes in his grasp. In the midst of his exulta. and its consequences. He will find himself in tion it pierces his ear with the cry of injured communion with a mind of a much higher order justice; it denounces against him the indignathan that of Lord Brougham-richer in its com- tion of an enlightened and civilized age; it turns binations, wider in its reach, more elevated in sen- to bitterness the cup of his rejoicing, and wounds timent, more self-possessed in its loftiest flights him with the sting which belongs to the con of eloquence. Mr. Webster concludes this part sciousness of having outraged the opinion o. of his subject in a passage which, though often mankind." quoted, may be given with peculiar propriety in It was, indeed, to the Duke of Angoulême this place, not only for the views which it pre- and his family, sents of the remedy for these interventions, but
A barren scepter in their gripe, for its prophetic intimations of the fate of the Thence to be wrenched by an unlineal hand, Duke of Augoulême and of the Bourbon race. No son of theirs succeeding.
“It may, in the next place, be asked, perhaps, His uncle, Louis XVIII., died the next year: supposing all this to be true, what can we do? his father, Charles X., succeeded, and in less than Are we to go to war? Are we to interfere in six years was driven, with his branch of the the Greek cause, or any other European cause ? family, from the throne (July, 1830); Louis Are we to endanger our pacific relations? No, Philippe, of the Orleans branch, succeeded, and certainly not. What, then, the question recurs, met with the same fate in less than eighteen remains for us? If we will not endanger our years (June, 1848); and the prediction of Lord own peace; if we will neither furnish armies Brongham as to Louis XVIII. and his dynasty nor navies to the cause which we think the just was verified, even without his calling in the one, what is there within our power?
| modern Teutones and Scythians to assist him ;'' "Sir, this reasoning mistakes the age. The "judgment" did " go forth against him, and his time has been, indeed, when fleets, and armies, family, and his counselors; and the dynasty of MMM
the Gaui has ceased to reign »
01 LORD BROUGHAM ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS, OD
TOBER 7, 1831.
INTRODUCTION. EARL GREY came into power November 22d, 1830, being the first Whig minister since the days of Lord Grenville in 1806-7. His life had been devoted to parliamentary reform, and he made this the leading object of his administration.
Ages had passed away since the apportionment of members for the House of Commons. The population of England had five-folded. Many of the largest towns in the kingdom, such as Liverpool, Manchester, &c., bad sprung into existence, and were without representatives; while a large number of places. sending two members each to Parliament, had sunk into mere villages or hamlets, and some, like Old Sarum, Gatton, &c., were actually left without an inhabitant. These places passed into the hands, or under the control, of the nobility and men of wealth, so that seats in the House of Conmons, by scores upon scores, were bought and sold in the market. When Lord Grey first took up the subject in 1793, he offered to prove that seventy-one peers, by direct comination or influence, returned one hundred and sixty-three members, and ninety-one commoners one hundred and thirty-nine members. Thus, in Ergland and Wales (exclusive of the forty-five for Scotland), three hundred and two members, being a de: cided majority of the Commons, were returned by one hundred and sixty-two individuals! These state ments made a deep impression on the public mind; but such was the dread inspired by the French Rev. olution and its misguided friends in England, and such the reluctance of the higher classes to part with power, that every attempt at reform was instantly voted down, until 1830, when Earl Grey came into power.
On the first of March, 1831, the new ministry brought forward their Reform Bill in the House of an mons. It was designed to meet three evils: first, the appointment of members by individuals ; secondly, the small number of voters in most boroughs and in the counties; and, thirdly, the expenses of elections. To meet the first evil, it proposed that sixty boroughs, enumerated in a schedule marked A, having each a population under two thousand, should be totally disfranchised; and that forty-seven others, in a sched ale marked B, with a like population under four thousand, should each be allowed only one member. Weymoath, which sent four members, was to have but two. In this way, one hundred and sixty-eight vacancies would be created, which might be supplied by giving representatives to the large towns, and by increasing the number of county members. In respect to the second evil, it proposed to give the right of voting in boroughs to all householders paying a £10 rent, and in the counties to copyholders of £10 a year, and to leaseholders of £50 a year. In regard to the third evil, that of election expenses, it disfranchised all non-resident electors, thus saving vast sums paid for tbeir transportation to the polls: and shortened the duration of elections by increasing the facilities for receiving votes.
This bill was debated in the Commons with great ability on both sides for seven weeks, and we Gnally rejected by a majority of eight. The ministry immediately tendered their resignations, but the King (William IV.), who was in favor of reform, refused to accept them; he preferred to dissolve Parliament, and refer the question to the decision of the people in a new House of Commons. The elections, in all places where the popular voice could prevail, went strongly for the bill, eighty of the county members being chosen under pledges to vote for reform.
The bill, with some slight modifications, was brought again into the House on the 24th of June, 1831 Here it was debated under various forms for nearly three months, and was finally passed on the 19th of September, by a majority of one hundred and nine. It was now carried to the House of Lords, a large majority of whom were known to be bitterly opposed to the measure. The great body of the nation were equally resolved it should pass; petitions came in by thousands from every part of the kingdom: and the feeling seemed to be almost universal, “ through Parliament or over Parliament, tbis measuro must be carried."
In this state of the public mind, the House of Lords took up the subject on the 3d of October, 1831, and discussed it in a debate of five nights, which, "for skill, force, and variety of argument; for historical, constitu• onal, and classical information," says an able writer, "was never surpassed." Lord Brougham reserve: himself until the fifth nigbt; and after Lord Eldon had spoken with all the weight of his age and authority against the bil, the Lord Chancellor came down from the wool-sack to reply. His speech was intended as an answer to all the important arguments which had been urged against reform daring this protracted discussion. He began in a mild and conciliatory manner, unwilling to injure his cat se by the harshness in which he too commonly indulged, and answered a part of the arguments in a strain of goodl·lıumored wit and pleasantry which has rarely been surpassed. But after reptated interruptious some of them obviously designed to put him down, he changed his tone, and spoke for nearly three boun more with a keenness of reboke, a force of argument, and a boldness of declamation which secured him a respectful hearing, and extorted the confession from bis adversary Lord Lyndhurst, that a more pow. erful speech of the kind liad never been delivered in the House of Lords.
speaker in ap proachiag the
SPEECH, &c. My Lords, I feel that I owe some apology to the task before me; but cheered, in the other to your Lordships for standing in the way of any hand, with the intimate and absolute persuasion actle Lords' who wish to address you; but alt- that I have no personal interest to serve-no er much deliberation, and after consulting with sinister views to resist--that there is nothing in several of my noble friends on both sides of the my nature or in my situation which can cast House, it did appear to us, as I am sure it will even the shadow of a shade across the broad to your Lordships, desirable, on many grounds, path, I will not say of legislative, but of judicial that the debate should be brought to a close this duty, in which I am now to accompany your night; and I thought I could not better contrib. Lordships. ate to that end than by taking the present op! I have listened, my Lords, with the most proportunity of addressing you. Indeed, I had found attention, to the debate on this Aner
Answer to Anxiety of the scarcely any choice. I am urged on / question, which has lasted during the those who
hele by the anxiety I feel on this mighty five past days; and having heard a against the subj:ct subject, which is so great that I vast variety of objections brought bu. should hardly have been able to delay the ex. against this measure, and having also attended pression of my opinion much longer; if I had, I to the arguments which have been urged to refeel assured that I must have lost the power to pel those objections, I, careless whether I give address you. This solicitude is not, I can as- offense in any quarter or no, must, in common sure your Lordships, diminished by my recollec- fairness, say, on the one hand, that I am so far tion of the great talents and brilliant exertions moved by some of the things which I have heard of those by whom I have been preceded in the urged, as to be inclined toward the reconsider. discussion, and the consciousness of the difficul-ation of several matters on which I had conceiv, ties with which I have to contend in follow- ed my mind to be fully made up; and, on the ing such men. It is a deep sense of these dif- other, that in the great majority of the objections ficulties that induces me to call for your patient which have been ingeniously raised against this indulgence. For, although not unused to meet bill, I can by no means concur ; but viewing public bodies, nay, constantly is the habit, dur- them as calmly and dispassionately as ever man ing many years, of presenting myself before listened to the arguments advanced for and great assemblies of various kinds, yet I do sol. against any measure, I am bound by a sense emnly assure you that I never, until this mo- duty to say, that those objections have left my ment, felt what deep responsibility may rest on mind entirely unchanged as to the bulk of the 1 member of the Legislature in addressing ei- principles upon which the bill is framed. If I ther of its Houses. And if I, now standing with presumed to go through those objections, or your Lordships on the brink of the most moment, even through the majority of them, in detail, i Gus decision that ever human assembly came to should be entering upon a tedious and also a suat any period of the world, and seeking to arrest perfluous work; so many of them have been reyuu while it is yet time, in that position could, moved by the admirable speeches which you by any divination of the future, have soreseen in have already heard, that I should only be wastmy earliest years that I should live to appear ing your time were I once more to refue inem , here, and to act as your adviser, on a question I should only be doing worse what my precurof such awsul importance, not only to yourselves, sors have already done far better. . I will begin, but to your remotest posterity, I should have de however, with what fell from a noble Earl (Earl The prepara voted every day and every hour of Dudley) with whose display I was far (1.) Lord
to that life to preparing myself for the less struck than others, because I was Dudley. nade. task which I now almost sink under- more accustomed to it—who, viewing this bill gathering from the monuments of ancient ex- from a remote eminence, and not coming close, perience the lessons of wisdom which might or even approaching near, made a reconnois. guide our course at the present hour-looking sance of it too far off to see even its outworks abroad on our own times, and these not unevent--who, indulging in a vein of playful and ele. ful, to check by practice the application of those gant pleasantry, to which no man listens in prin lessons—chastening myself, and sinking within vate with more delight than myself, knowing me every infirmity of temper, every wayward- how well it becomes the leisure hours and familness of disposition which might by possibility iar moments of my noble friend, delivered with impede the discharge of this most solemn duty; the utmost purity of diction, and the most felic. but above all, eradicating from my mind every itous aptness of allusion—I was going to say a thing that, by any accident, could interrupt the discourse—but it was an exercise or essay-of most perfect candor and impartiality of judg- the highest merit, which had only this fault, that ment. I advance thus anxious and thus humbled it was an essay or exercitation on some other
1 The Marquess of Cleveland and several others thesis, and not on this bill. It was as if some bad rison and given way.
one had set to my noble friend whose accom
plishments I knyw—whose varied talents I ad- of reading you the very first line. "Change and mire, but in whom I certainly desiderate sound. revolution ; all is change; among the first ness of judgment and closeness of argument-a law.” I took that note, because I was some. theme de rebuspublicis, or de motû civium, or de what surprised at the observation, knowing, as novarum rerum cupiditate on change, on de- I did, that this law reform had met with the apmocracies, on republicanism, on anarchy; and probation of my noble friend himself; and, w hai on these interesting but somewhat trite and even was yet more satisfactory to my mind, it had rethreadbare subjects, my noble friend made one ceived the sanction of your Lordships, and had of the most lucid, most terse, most classical, and, been passed through all its stages without even as far as such efforts will admit of eloquence, a division. My noble friend then told us, stii most eloquent exercitations that ever proceeded reconnoitering our position at a discance, or, at His argument from mortal pen. My noble friend most, partaking in an occasional skirmish, bat very point ac proceeded altogether on a false as- holding himself aloof from the main battle-he issue. sumption; it was on a fiction of his told us that this bill came recommended neither own brain, on a device of his own imagination, by the weight of ancient authority nor na regard that he spoke throughout. He first assumed by the spirit of modern refinement; tust less of an that the bill meant change and revolution, and this attack on our present system was thority, on change and revolution he predicted volumin not supported by the experience of the past, nor ously and successfully. So much for the critic sanctioned by any appearance of the great mind al merits of his performance; but, practically of the master genius of our precursors in later viewed, regarded as an argument on the ques. times. As to the weight of ancient anthority, tion before us, it is to be wholly left out of view; skilled as my noble friend is in every branch of it was quite beside the matter. If this bill be literary history, I am obliged to tell him he is inchange and be revolution, there is no resisting accurate; and, because it may afford him some the conclusions of my noble friend. But on that consolation in this his day of discomfiture and point I am at issue with him; and he begins by anguish, I will supply the defect which exists in taking the thing in dispute for granted. I deny his historical recollections'; for an author, the that this bill is change, in the bad sense of the first of satirists in any age-Dean Swift, with word; nor does it lead to, nor has it any con- whom my noble friend must have some symnection with revolution, except so far as it has pathy, since he closely imitates him in this rea direct tendency to prevent revolution.
spect, that as the Dean satirized, under the name My noble friend, in the course of his essay, of man, a being who had no existence save ja His charges talked to you of this administration as his own imagination, so my noble friend attacks, against the
Sinistry as one prone to change; he told you that under the name of the bill, a fancy of his own, a being cover its whole system was a system of creature of his fertile brain, and which has no
changes; and he selected as the first earthly connection with the real ink and parchchange on which he would ring a loud peal, that ment bill before you-Dean Swist, who was never which he said we had made in our system of yet represented as a man prone to change, who finance. If he is so averse to our making alter. was not a Radical, who was not a Jacobin (for, ations in our scheme of finance the very first year indeed, those terms were in his day unknown)we have been in office, what does he think, I Dean Swist, who was not even a Whig, but, ia ask, of Mr. Pitt's budgets, of which never one the language of the times, a regular, stanch, passed without undergoing changes in almost ev. thick-and-thin Tory, while enumerating the ab. ery one tax, besides those altogether abandoned ? surdities in our system, which required an ade If our budget had been carried as it was origin- quate and efficient remedy, says: “It is absurd ally brought in, with a remission of the timber that the boroughs, which are decayed, and des. duty, and the candle duty, and the coal duty, it titute both of trade and population, are not ex. would have been distinguished beyond all others tinguished" (or, as we should say, in the lanonly as having given substantial relief to the peo- guage of the bill, which was as unknown to Dean ple on those very trivial and unnecessary arti- Swift as it is now to my noble friend, put into cles, I suppose, of human life-fire, and light, schedule A.), “because," adds the Dean, “ they and lodging. Then, our law reform is another return members who represent nobody at all, change which my noble friend charged the gov- so here he adopts the first branch of the measnre ; ernment with being madly bent on effecting and next he approves of the other great limb, Scarcely had the Lord President of the Council for the second grand absurdity which he remarks risen to answer the objection raised against us is, " that several large towns are not represent. on this score, than up started my noble friend to ed, though they are filled with those who inassert that he had not pressed any such objection crease mightily the trade of the realm." Then into his service. My Lords, I am not in the as to shortening the duration of Parliaments, on habit of taking a note of what falls from any which we have not introduced a single provision noble Lord in debate—it is not my practice into the bill—if we had, what a cry should we but by some fatality it did so happen that, while have heard about the statesmen in Queen Anne's my noble friend was speaking, I took a note of day, the great men who lived in the days of his observations, of which I will take the liberty | Blenheim, and during the period song of by my
a Concerning public affairs, or civil commotions, noble friend, from Blenheim to Waterloo, hov or the love of political change
we should have been tannted with the Somerses