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song which entirely satisfied my judgment that which agitates more or less scosibly different Peroration: The nothing short of a point of national countries of the world, may be compared to that bext great war in faith or national honor would justify, of the Ruler of the Winds, as described by the tne of opinions at the present moment, any volunta- | poet: y approximation to the possibility of war. Let

“Celsà sedet Æolus arce, me be understood, however, disi.nctly as not Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras meaning to say that I dread war in a good cause Ni faciat, maria ac terras cælumque profundum (and in no other may it be the lot of this country Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantque per auras." ever to engage !) from a distrust of the strength The consequence of letting loose the passions at of the country to commence it, or of her resour- present chained and confined, would be to pro. ces to maintain it. I dread it, indeed-but upon duce a scene of desolation which no man can far other grounds : I dread it from an appre- contemplate without horror; and I should not hension of the tremendous consequences which sleep easy on my couch, if I were conscious that might arise from any hostilities in which we I had contributed to precipitate it by a single might now be engaged. Some years ago, in moment. the discussion of the negotiations respecting the This, then, is the reason—a reason very dif French war against Spain, I took the liberty of ferent from fear-the reverse of a consciousness adverting to this topic. I then stated that the of disability-why I dread the recurrence of position of this country in the present state of hostilities in any part of Europe ; why I would the world was one of neutrality, not only be- bear much, and would forbear long; why I would tween contending nations, but between conflict-(as I have said) put up with almost any thing that ing principles; and that it was by neutrality did not touch national faith and national honor, alone that we could maintain that balance, the rather than let slip the furies of war, the leash preservation of which I believed to be essential of which we hold in our hands—not knowing to the welfare of mankind. I then said, that I whom they may reach, or how far their ravages feared that the next war which should be kin may be carried. Such is the love of peace which dled in Europe would be a war not so much of the British government acknowledges; and such armies as of opinions. Not four years have the necessity for peace which the circumstances elapsed, and behold my apprehension realized ! of the world inculcate. I will push these topics It is, to be sure, within narrow limits that this no further. war of opinion is at present confined; but it is I return, in conclusion, to the object of the a war of opinion that Spain (whether as govern- Address. Let us fly to the aid of Portugal, by ment or as nation) is now waging against Port- whomsoever attacked, because it is our duty to ugal; it is a war which has commenced in ha- do so; and let us cease our interference where tred of the new institutions of Portugal. How that duty ends. We go to Portugal not to rule, long is it reasonable to expect that Portugal will not to dictate, not to prescribe constitutions, but abstain from retaliation ? If into that war this to defend and to preserve the independence of an country shall be compelled to enter, we shall ally. We go to plant the standard of England enter into it with a sincere and anxious desire on the well-known heights of Lisbon. Where to mitigate rather than exasperate—and to min that standard is planted, foreign dominion shall gle only in the conflict of arms, not in the more not come. fatal conflict of opinions. But I much fear that this country (however earnestly she may en- | The House gave an almost unanimous sup deavor to avoid it) could not, in such case, avoid port to an Address approving of the measures seeing ranked under her banners all the restless adopted ; and the insurrection was at once supand dissatisfied of any nation with which she pressed in every part of Portugal. might come in conflict. It is the contemplation Mr. Canning gained very great and merited of this new power in any future war which ex- applause by this intervention in behalf of a concites my most anxious apprehension. It is one stitutional government. His prediction that the thing to have a giant's strength, but it would be next great war in Europe would be one of opisu another to use it like a giant. The conscious- ions, is yet to be accomplished ; and events since ness of such strength is, undoubtedly, a source the usurpation of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, at of confidence and security ; but in the situation the close of 1851, seem clearly to indicate that in which this country stands, our business is not such a contest may not be far remote. to seek opportunities of displaying it, but to con

"Eolus sits upon his lofty tower tent ourselves with letting the professors of vio

And holds the scepter, calming all their rage: lent and exaggerated doctrines on both sides

Else would tbey bear sea, earth, and heaven pro feel, that it is not their interest to convert an

found umpire into an adversary. The situation of En In rapid flight, and sweep them through the air. gland, amid the struggle of political opinions

Virgil's Æneid, bock i., lines 56-).

EXTRACTS.

FOREIGN ENLIST AENT BILL. April 16, 1823. / of a war, then I say that the positio we have

taken in the present instance is of more probable Wulat, sir! is it to become a maxim with this efficacy than that in which we should have stood country that she is ever to be a belligerent? Is had we suffered ourselves to be drawn into a par. she never, under any possible state of circum- ticipation in the contest. Participation, did I stances, to remain neutral ? If this proposition say? Sir! is there any man who hears memis be good for any thing, it must run to this extent there any mian acquainted with the history of the -that our position, insulated as it is from all the country for the last twenty years, who does not rest of the world, moves us so far from the scene know the way in which Great Britain has been of continental warfare, that we ought always to accustomed to participate in a war? Do not De belligerent—that we are bound to counteract gentlemen know that if we now enter into a war, the designs of Providence, to reject the advanta- we must take the whole burden of it upon our. ges of nature, and to render futile and erroneous selves, and conduct the whole force and exertions the description of the poet, who has said, to our of the peninsula ? But supposing such to be our honor, that we were less prone to war and tumult, course, how different must be our situation, as on account of our happy situation, than the neigh- compared with former perious. When we last boring nations that lie conterminous with one an- became the defenders of Spain, we fought for and other. But wherefore this dread of a neutrali- with a united people. What would be the case ty? Il gentlemen look to the page of history, at present ? Any interference on our parts in chey will find that for centuries past, whenever favor of Spain must commence with an attempt there has been a war in Europe, we have almost to unite contending factions, and to stimulate men always been belligerent. The fact is undoubt. of opposite interests and opposite feelings to one edly so; but I am not prepared to lay it down as grand and simultaneous effort. Nox I :6 not a principle, that is, at the beginning of a war, we hesitate to say that the man who wruld naer. shod, happen to maintain a species of neutrali- take to do this under present circumstances, must ty, it was an unnatural thing that we should do either be possessed of supernatural means of in $o. Gentlemen say that we must be drawn into a formation, or of a hardihood which I may envy, war, sooner or later. Why, then, I answer, let it but shall not attempt to imitate. I say that those pc later. I say, if we are to be drawn into a war, men will not consult the true dignity of the coun. let iis be drawn into it on grounds clearly Brit- try, who, finding fault with the part we have

sh. I do not say—God forbid I should—that it adopted, wish to indemnify themselves by endeavis no part of the duty of Great Britain to protectoring to make us perform that part amiss. Out what is termed the balance of power, and to aid course is neutrality-strict neutrality; and in the the weak against the insults of the strong. I name of God, let us adhere to it. if you dislike say, on the contrary, that to do so is her bounden that course—if you think it injurious to the hon. duty; but I affir , also, that we must take care or or interests of the country-drive from their to do our duty to ourselves. The first condition places those neutral ministers who have adopted of engaging in any war-the sine quâ non of ev- it; but until you are prepared to declare war, ery such undertaking-is, that the war must be you are bound to adhere to and to act upon the jus; the second, that being just in itself, we can system which ministers have laid down. als with justice engage in it; and the third, that I stated, a few evenings ago, that we could have being just in its nature, and it being possible for no difficulty in the course which we had to pursue us justly to embark in it, we can so interfere in observance of a strict neutrality. We have without detriment or prejudice to ourselves. I spent much time in teaching other powers the contend that he is a visionary politician who nature of a strict neutrality; and, generally speak. leaves this last condition out of the question; and ing, we found them most reluctant scholars. All I say further, that though the glorions abandon- I now call upon the House to do, is to adopt the ment of it may sound well in the generous speech same course which it has recommended to neuof an irresponsible orator—with the safety of a tral powers upon former occasions. If I wished nation upon his lips, and none of the responsibil- for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should ity upor, his shoulders—it is matter deeply to be take that laid down by America in the days of considered; and that the minister who should lay the Presidency of Washington and the Secreta it out of his view, in calling on the country to ryship of Jefferson undertake a war, would well deserve that uniYersal censure and reprobation with which the aoble Lord opposite has this night menaced me. If it be wise for a government, though it can not

On the King's SPEECH. FEBruARY 15, 1825. prevent an actual explosion, to endeavor to cir I now turn to that other part of the honorabls eumscribe the limits, and to lessen the duration and learned gentleman's (Mr. Brougham speecb

al which he acknowledges his acquiescence in the ests, we took care to give no just cause of of passages of the address echoing the satisfaction fense to other powers. ielt at the success of the liberal commercial principles adopted by this country, and at the steps

ON UNLAWFUL SOCIETIES IN IRELAND. Febru taken for recognizing the new states of Ameri

ARY 15, 1825. ca. It does happen, however, that the honorablo and learned gentleman being not unfrequently a In the next place, are we prepared to say that speaker in this House, nor very concise in his these and other acts of the Catholic Association speeches, and touching occasionally, as he pro- have no tendency to excite and inflame animos. ceeds, on almost every subject within the range ities? I affirm, without hesitation, that they of his imagination, as well as making some ob-have directly that tendency; and in support of servations on the matter in hand—and having at this affirmation I must beg lcave to recur, how. different periods proposed and supported every in ever solemnly warned against the recurrence, to novation of which the law or Constitution of the an expression which I was the first to bring to country is susceptible—it is impossible to inno- the notice of the House, but which has been since vate, without appearing to borrow from him. Ein the subject of repeated animadversion; I mean *her, therefore, we must remain forever absolutely the adjuration" by the hate you bear to Orange.

ocked up as in a northern winter, or we must men," which was used by the association in their oreak our way out by some mode already sug- address to the Catholics of Ireland. gested by the honorable and learned gentleman, Various and not unamusing have been the aland then he cries out, " Ah, I was there before tempts of gentlemen who take the part of the as. you! That is what I told you to do; but as you sociation, to get rid of this most unlucky phrase, would not do it then, you have no right to do it or at least to dilute and attenuate its obvious and now." In Queen Anne's reign there lived a undeniable meaning. It is said to be unfair to very sage and able critic, named Dennis, who, in select one insulated expression as indicating the his old age, was the prey of a strange fancy, that general spirit of the proceedings of any public he had himself written all the good things in all body. Granted; if the expression had escaped the good plays that were acted. Every good in the heat of debate, if it had been struck out passage he met with in any author he insisted by the collision of argument, if it had been throwc was his own. “It is none of his," Dennis would forth in haste, and had been, upon reflection, re: always say; "no, it's mine!": He went one called. But if the words are found in a document day to see a new tragedy. Nothing particularly which was prepared with care and considered good to his taste occurred, till a scene in which with deliberation—if it is notorious that they a great storm was represented. As soon as he were pointed out as objectionable when they were heard the thunder rolling over head, he exclaim | first proposed by the framers of the address, but ed, “ That's my thunder!" So it is with the were, nevertheless, upon argument retainedhonorable and learned gentleman ; it's all his surely we are not only justified in receiving therr thunder. It will henceforth be impossible to as an indication, at least, of the animus of those confer any boon, or make any innovation, but he who used them ; but we should be rejecting the will claim it as his thunder. But it is due to. best evidence of that animus, if we passed Ora aim to acknowledge that he does not claim ev- so well-weighed a manifestation of it. cry thing; he will be content with the exclusive Were not this felt by honorable gentlemen al merit of the liberal measures relating to trade the other side to be true, we should not have seer and commerce. Not desirous of violating his them so anxious to put forced and fanciful cou own principles, by claiming a monopoly of fore-structions on a phrase which is as plain in it sight and wisdom, he kindly throws overboard to meaning as any which the hand of man eves my honorable and learned friend (Sir J. Mackin wrote or the eye of man ever saw. The firs tosh) near him, the praise of South America. 1 defense of this phrase was by an honorable mem should like to know whether, in some degree, ber from Ireland, who told us that the words de this also is not his thunder. He thinks it right not convey the same meaning in the Irish lan. itself; but lest we should be too proud if he ap-guage which we in England naturally attach te proved our conduct in toto, he thinks it wrong in them. I do not pretend to be conversant with point of time. I differ from him essentially ; for the Irish language ; and must, therefore, leave if I pique myself on any thing in this affair, it is that apology to stand for what it may be worth, the time. That, at some time or other, states on the learned gentleman's erudition and author. which had separated themselves from the mother ity. I will not follow every other gentleman country should or should not be admitted to the who has strained his faculties to explain away rank of independent nations, is a proposition to this unfortunate expression; but will come al which no possible dissent could be given. The once to my honorable and learned friend (S whole question was one of time and mode. There James Mackintosh), the member for Knaresbor were two modes : one a reckless and headlong ough, to whom the palm in this contest of inge course, by which we might have reached our ob nuity must be conceded by all his competitors. ject at once, but at the expense of drawing upon My honorable friend has expended abundant le ns consequences not highly to be estimated; the search and subtilty upon this inquiry, and having other was more strictly guarded in point of prin- resolved the phrase into its elements in the crociple; so that, while we pursued our own inter- cible of his philosophical mind, nas produced i o us purified and refined to a degree that must and learned friend; it might be the poor man's command the admiration of all who take delight only fault, and therefore clearly incorrigible. Bui! in metaphysical alchemy. My honorable and if I had the good fortune to find out that he was Searned friend began by telling us that, alter all, also addicted to stealing, might I not, with a sale hatred is no bad thing in itself. "I hate a conscience, send him to my learned friend with a Tory," says my honorable friend—"and another very strong recommendation, saying, I send you nan hates a cat; but it does not follow that he a man whom I know to be a drunkard; but I am would hunt down the cat, or I the Tory." Nay, happy to assure you he is also a thief: you can so far from it-hatred, if it bo properly managed, not do better than employ him; you will make is, according to my honorable friend's theory, no his drunkenness counteract his thievery, and no bad preface to a rational esteem and affection. doubt you will bring him out of the conflict a It prepares its votaries for a reconciliation of dif-very moral personage. My honorable and learnferonces—for lying down with their most invet- ed friend, however, not content with laying down erate enemies, like the leopard and the kid, in these new rules for reformation, thought it right the vision of the prophet.

to exemplify them in his own person, and, liko This dogma is a little startling, but it is not Pope's Longinus, to be "himself the great subaltogether without precedent. It is borrowed lime he drew." My learned friend tells us that from a character in a play which is, I dare say, Dr. Johnson was what he (Dr. Johnson himself as great a favorite with my learned friend as it called a good hater; and that among the qual. is with me--I mean the comedy of The Rivals ; ities which he hated most were two which my in which Mrs. Malaprop, giving a lecture on the honorable friend unites in his own person—that subject of marriage to her niece (who is unrea- of Whig and that of Scotchman. “So that," says sonable enough to talk of liking as a necessary my honorable friend, "if Dr. Johnson were alive, preliminary to such a union), says, “ What have and were to meet me at the club, of which he you to do with your likings and your preferences, was a founder, and of which I am now an un. child? depend upon it, it is safest to begin with worthy member, he would probably break up the a little aversion. I am sure I hated your poor meeting rather than sit it out in such society." dear uncle like a blackamoor before we were No, sir, not so. My honorable and learned friend married; and yet you know, my dear, what a forgets his own theory. If he had been only a good wife I made him." Such is my learned Whig, or only a Scotchman, Dr. Johnson might friend's argument to a hair.

have treated him as he apprehends; but being But finding that this doctrine did not appear both, the great moralist would have said to my to go down with the House so glibly as he had honorable friend, “Sir, you are too much of a expected, my honorable and learned friend pres | Wbig to be a good Scotchman; and, sir, you are ently changed his tack, and put forward a the- too much of a Scotchman to be a good Whig." ory, which, whether for novelty or for beauty, I It is no doubt from the collision of these two vices pronounce to be incomparable; and, in short, as in my learned friend's person, that he has become wanting nothing to recommend it but a slight | what I, and all who have the happiness of meet. foundation in truth. " True philosophy," says ing him at the club, find him-an entirely faultmy honorable friend,“ will always contrive to less character. lead men to virtue by the instrumentality of their For my own part, however, I must say, that I conflicting vices. The virtues, where more than can not see any hope of obtaining the great morone exist, may live harmoniously together, but al victory which my learned friend has antici. the vices bear mortal antipathy to one another, pated-of winning men to the practice of virtue und therefore furnish to the moral engineer the by adjarations addressed to their peculiar vices. power by which he can make each keep the oth- I believe, after all these ratiocinations and refine. er under control.” Admirable !—but, upon this ments, we must come back to the plain truth, doctrine, the poor man who has but one single which is felt even while it is denied—that the vice must be in a very bad way. No fulcrum, phrase "by the hate you bear to Orangemen," no moral power for effecting his cure. Where is an indefensible phrase ; that it is at leastas his more fortunate neighbor, who has two or what alone I am contending that it is—inconmore vices in his composition, is in a fair way of testable evidence of the allegation that the Cathbecoming a very virtuous member of society. Iolio Association does excite animosities in Ire. wonder how my learned friend would like to have land. It is an expression calculated to offenil, this doctrine introduced into his domestic estab-provoke, and exasperate the Orangemen, how. Jishment. For instance, suppose that I discharge ever palatable to those whose hatred of Orange, a servant because he is addicted to liquor, I could men it predicates, and, to say the least, does eget Rot venture to recommend him to my honorable / disapprove.

LORD BROUGH A M.

Henry BROUGHAM is the last among the orators embraced in this collection ; acc as he is still living, only a brief notice will be given of his life and character.

The family was one of the most ancient in Westmoreland, Englard. Broughatu Castle is older than the days of King John; and the manor connected with it, after passing out of the family for a time, was regained by purchase and entailed on the oldest descendant in the male line. Toward the close of the last century, it fell to a young man who was studying in the University of Edinburgh, and who married, while there, a niece of the celebrated historian, Dr. Robertson. The first-fruit of this union was a son named HENRY, who was born at Edinburgh in 1779.

The family appear to have resided chiefly or wholly in the Scottish capital ; the boy received the rudiments of his education at the High School of Edinburgh, under the celebrated Dr. Adam, and was even then distinguished for his almost intuitive perception of whatever he undertook to learn. “He was wild, fond of pleasure taking to study by starts, and always reading with more effect than others (when he did read), because it was for some specific object, the knowledge of which was to be acquired in the shortest possible time.” We have here a perfect picture of Lord Brougham's mode of reading for life. Eager, restless, grasping after information of every kind, he has brought into his speeches a wider range of collateral thought than any of our orators, except Burke ; and he has done it in just the way that might be expected from such a man, with inimitable freshness and power, but with those hasty judgments, that want of a profound knowledge of principles, and that frequent inaccuracy in details, which we always see in one who reads " for some specific object," instead of taking in the whole range of a science, and who is so much in a hurry. that he is constantly aiming to accomplish his task in “ the shortest possible time.”

He entered the University of Edinburgh in the sixteenth year of his age, and soon gained the highest distinction by his extraordinary mathematical attainments. He gave in solutions of some very difficult theorems, which awakened the admiration of his instructors; and before he was seventeen, produced an essay on the “Flection and Reflection of Light,” which was estimated so highly as to be inserted in the Edinburgh Philosophical Transactions. His supposed discoveries, so far as they were correct, proved, indeed, to have been anticipated by earlier writers; but they were undoubtedly the result of his own investigation; and they showed so remarkable a talent for mathematical research, that he was rewarded, at a somewhat later period (1803), with an election as member of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. It is a curious fact that Lord Brougham has again taken up his favorite pursuits in opties at the age of seventy, and made recent communications to the French Institute, from his chateau at Cannes, in the south of France, on the same branch of science which called forth his early efforts in the University of Edinburgh.

Having completed his college course, Mr. Brougham entered with indefatigable zeal upon the study of the law, in conjunction with Jeffery, Horner, and several other young men, who, only a few years after, stood foremost among the leading advocates of the country. He had commenced the practice of extemporaneous speaking some years before in the Speculative Society, that great theater of debate for the Univers ity of Edinburgh. He now carried it to a still greater height in the immediate prospect of his professional duties, and “exercised the same superiority over his

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