vasion. Shall bodies of men, armed, clothed, and regimented by Spain, carry fire and sword into ne bosom of her unoffending neighbor, and shall it be pretended that no attack, no invasion has taken place, because, forsooth, these outrages are committed against Portugal by men to whom Fortugal had given birth and nurture? What petty quibbling would it be to say, that an invasion of Portugal from Spain was not a Spanish invasion, because Spain did not employ her own troops, but hired mercenaries to effec: her purpose? And what difference 's it, except as an aggravation, that the mercenaries in this instance were natives of Portugal.

England will

between the Portuguese at home.

I have already stated, and I now repeat, that it never has been the wish or the prenot interfere tension of the British government to interfere in the internal concerns of the Portuguese nation. Questions of that kind the Portuguese nation must settle among themselves. But if we were to admit that hordes of traitorous refugees from Portugal, with Spanish arms, or arms furnished or restored to them by Spanish authorities, in their hands, might put off their country for one purpose, and put it on again for another-put it off for the purpose of attack, and put it on again for the purpose of impunity-if, I say, we were to admit this juggle, and either pretend to be deceived by it ourselves, or attempt to deceive Portugal, into a belief that there was nothing of external attack, nothing of foreign hostility, in such a system of aggression —such pretense and attempt would, perhaps, be only ridiculous and contemptible; if they did not equire a much more serious character from being employed as an excuse for infidelity to ancient friendship, and as a pretext for getting rid of the positive stipulations of treaties.

rase of aggression from

gland does no

When I state this, it will be obvious to the House, that the vote for which I am In protectin about to call upon them, is a vote for Portugal, En the defense of Portugal, not a vote for war on Spain. war against Spain. I beg the House to keep these two points entirely distinct in their consideration. For the former I think I have said enough. If, in what I have now further to say, I should bear hard upon the Spanish government, I beg that it may be observed that, unjustifiable as I shall show their conduct to have been-contrary to the law of nations, contrary to the law of good neighborhood, contrary, I might say, to the laws of God and man-with respect to Portugal-still I do not mean to preclude a locus pænitentiæ, a possibility of redress and repara tion. It is our duty to fly to the defense of Port ugal, be the assailant who he may. And, be it remembered, that, in thus fulfilling the stipulation of ancient treaties, of the existence and obligation of which all the world are aware, we according to the universally admitted construction of the law of nations, neither make war upor that assailant, nor give to that assailant, much less to any other power, just cause of war against ourselves.

View of the po Portugal with the duties of

litcal state o

reference to

England.

Separation a
Brazil fro.n

Portugal.

Sir, the present situation of Portugal is so anomalous, and the recent years of Part Third her history are crowded with events so unusual, that the House will, perhaps, not think that I am unprofitably wasting its time, if I take the liberty of calling its attention, shortly and succinctly, tc those events, and to their influence on the polit. ical relations of Europe. It is known that the consequence of the residence of the King of Portugal in Brazil was to raise the latter country from a coloThis, then, is the case which I lay before the nial to a metropolitan condition; and that, from But this is a House of Commons. Here is, on the the time when the King began to contemplate one hand, an undoubted pledge of na- his return to Portugal, there grew up in Brazil abroad. tional faith-not taken in a corner- a desire of independence that threatened dissennot kept secret between the parties, but publicly sion, if not something like civil contest, between recorded among the annals of history, in the face the European and American dominions of the of the world. Here are, on the other hand, un-house of Braganza. It is known, also, that Great deniable acts of foreign aggression, perpetrated, Britain undertook a mediation between Portugal Indeed, principally through the instrumentality of domestic traitors, but supported with foreign means, instigated by foreign councils, and directed to foreign ends. Putting these facts and this pledge together, it is impossible that his Majesty should refuse the call that has been made upon him; nor can Parliament, I am convinced, refuse to enable his Majesty to fulfill his undoubted obligations. I am willing to rest the whole ques-as of Portugal and of Brazil, to separate. tion of to-night, and to call for the vote of the that occasion, Great Britain, and another EuroHouse of Commons upon this simple case, divest-pean court closely connected with Brazil, tened altogether of collateral circumstances; from which I especially wish to separate it, in the minds of those who hear me, and also in the minds of others, to whom what I now say will find its way. If I were to sit down this moment, without adding another word, I have no doubt but that I should have the concurrence of the House in the address which I mean to propase

and Brazil, and induced the King to consent to a separation of the two Crowns confirming that of Brazil on the head of his eldest son. The ink with which this agreement was written was scarcely dry, when the unexpected death of the King of Portugal produced a new state of things, which reunited on the same head the two Crowns which it had been the policy of England, as well On

dered advice to the Emperor of Brazil, now be come King of Portugal, which advice it can not be accurately said that his Imperial Majesty followed, because he had decided for himself before it reached Rio de Janeiro; but in conformity with which advice, though not in consequence of it, his Imperial Majesty determined to abdicate the Crown of Portugal in favor of his eldest daugh

ter.

But the Emperor of Brazil had done more

al government

This not done through Ea

ence.

What had not been foreseen-what would have | ready acceptance which it has met with from all A constitution been beyond the province of any for- orders of the Portuguese people. To that Con ast eign power to advise his Imperial stitution, therefore, thus unquestioned in its ori the latter. Majesty had accompanied his abdica- gin, even by those who are most jealous of new tion of the Crown of Portugal with the grant of institutions—to that Constitution, thus sanctioned a free constitutional charter for that kingdom. in its outset by the glad and grateful acclama. It has been surmised that this measure, as well tions of those who are destined to live under it-as the abdication which it accompa- to that Constitution, founded on principles, in a glish interfer nied, was the offspring of our advice. great degree, similar to those of our own, though No such thing-Great Britain did not differently modified-it is impossible that Ensuggest this measure. It is not her duty nor glishmen should not wish well. But it would her practice to offer suggestions for the internal not be for us to force that Constitution on the regulation of foreign states. She neither ap- people of Portugal, if they were unwilling to reproved nor disapproved of the grant of a consti- ceive it, or if any schism should exist among the tutional charter to Portugal: her opinion upon Portuguese themselves, as to its fitness and conthat grant was never required. True it is, that geniality to the wants and wishes of the nation the instrument of the constitutional charter was It is no business of ours to fight its battles. We brought to Europe by a gentleman of high trust go to Portugal in the discharge of a sacred obliin the service of the British government. Sir C. gation, contracted under ancient and moderu Stuart had gone to Brazil to negotiate the sepa- treaties. When there, nothing shall be done by ration between that country and Portugal. In us to enforce the establishment of the Constitu addition to his character of Plenipotentiary of tion; but we must take care that nothing shall Great Britain, as the mediating power, he had be done by others to prevent it from being fairly also been invested by the King of Portugal with carried into effect. Internally, let the Portuguese the character of his most faithful Majesty's Plen- settle their own affairs; but with respect to exipotentiary for the negotiation with Brazil. That ternal force, while Great Britain has an arm to negotiation had been brought to a happy conclu- raise, it must be raised against the efforts of any sion; and therewith the British part of Sir C. power that should attempt forcibly to control the Stuart's commission had terminated. But Sir C. choice, and fetter the independence of Portugal. Stuart was still resident at Rio de Janeiro, as the Has such been the intention of Spain? WhethPlenipotentiary of the King of Portugal, for nego-er the proceedings which have lately tiating commercial arrangements between Port-been practiced or permitted in Spain, mentaled ugal and Brazil. In this latter character it was were acts of a government exercising that Sir C. Stuart, on his return to Europe, was the usual power of prudence and foresight (withrequested by the Emperor of Brazil to be the out which a government is, for the good of the bearer to Portugal of the new constitutional char- people which live under it, no government at all), or whether they were the acts of some secret il. legitimate power-of some furious fanatical faction, over-riding the counsels of the ostensible

ter.

This govern

from Spain.

beying it on the frontiers-I will not stop to inquire. It is indifferent to Portugal, smarting un der her wrongs—it is indifferent to England, who is called upon to avenge them-whether the pres

His Majesty's government found no fault with Sir C. Stuart for executing this commission; but it was immediately felt that if Sir C. Stuart were allowed to remain at Lisbon, it might ap-government, defying it in the capital, and diso pear, in the eyes of Europe, that England was the contriver and imposer of the Portuguese Constitution. Sir C. Stuart was, therefore, directed to return home forthwith, in order that the Constitution, if carried into effect there, might plain-ent state of things be the result of the intrigues ly appear to be adopted by the Portuguese nation itself, not forced upon them by English interference.

this govern

แ

ment not now

As to the merits, sir, of the new Constitution The merits of of Portugal, I have neither the intention nor the right to offer any opinion. the question. Personally, I may have formed one; but as an English minister, all I have to say is, May God prosper this attempt at the establishment of constitutional liberty in Portugal! and may that nation be found as fit to enjoy and to cherish its new-born privileges, as it has often proved itself capable of discharging its duties among the nations of the world!"

legitimate one,

I, sir, am neither the champion nor the critic It is acknowl. of the Portuguese Constitution. But edged to be a it is admitted on all hands to have proand approved ceeded from a legitimate source-a by the people. consideration which has mainly reconciled continental Europe to its establishment; and to us, as Englishmen, it is recommended by the

are obnoxious to

of a faction, over which, if the Spanish government has no control, it ought to assume one as soon as possible-or of local authorities, over whom it has control, and for whose acts it must, therefore, be held responsible. It matters not, I say, from which of these sources the evil has arisen. In either case, Portugal must be protected; and from England that protection is due It would be unjust, however, to the Spanish government, to say that it is only Free institution among the members of that govern- most of the ment that an unconquerable hatred Spanish people of liberal institutions exists in Spain. However incredible the phenomenon may appear in this country, I am persuaded that a vast majority of the Spanish nation entertain a decided attachment to arbitrary power, and a predilection for absolute government. The more liberal institu tions of countries in the neighborhood have not yet extended their influence into Spain, nor awak ened any sympathy in the mass of the Spanish

people Whether the public authorities of Spain | of our advice, the Portuguese government waved did or did not partake of the national sentiment, its right under those treaties; very wisely re there would almost necessarily grow up between flecting that it would be highly inconvenient to Portugal and Spain, under present circumstances, be placed by the return of their deserters in the an opposition of feelings which it would not re- difficult alternative of either granting a danger. quire the authority or the suggestions of the ous amnesty, or ordering numerous executions. goverament to excite and stimulate into action. The Portuguese government, therefore, signified 'Without blame, therefore, to the government of to Spain that it would be entirely satisfied if, inSpain--out of the natural antipathy between the stead of surrendering the deserters, Spain would two Leigharing nations-the one prizing its re- restore their arms, horses, and equipments; and. cent freedom, the other hugging its traditionary separating the men from their officers, would reservit ade-there might arise mutual provoca- move both from the frontiers into the interior of tions and reciprocal injuries which, perhaps, even Spain. Solemn engagements were entered into the most active and vigilant ministry could not by the Spanish government to this effect-first altogether restrain. I am inclined to believe with Portugal, next with France, and afterward that such has been, in part at least, the origin with England. Those engagements, concluded of the differences between Spain and Portugal. one day, were violated the next. The deserters, That in their progress they have been adopted, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, were matured, methodized, combined, and brought into allowed to remain congregated together near the more perfect action, by some authority more frontiers of Portugal, where they were enrolled, united and more efficient than the mere feeling trained, and disciplined for the expedition which disseminated through the mass of the communi- they have since undertaken. It is plain that in ty, is certain; but I do believe their origin to these proceedings there was perfidy Apparent perf have been as much in the real sentiment of the somewhere. It rests with the Span- dy on the part of Spain. Spanish population, as in the opinion or contriv-ish government to show that it was ance of the government itself.

ment of Spain

this case, England does not

Whether this be or be not the case, is preIf the govern cisely the question between us and has not acted in Spain. If, though partaking in the general feelings of the Spanish nawar of her tion, the Spanish government has, nevertheless, done nothing to embody those feelings, and to direct them hostilely against Portugal; if all that has occurred on the frontiers has occurred only because the vigilance of the Spanish government has been surprised, its confidence betrayed, and its orders neglected-if its engagements have been repeatedly and shamefully violated, not by its own good-will, but against its recommendation and desire-let us see some symptoms of disapprobation, some signs of repentance, some measures indicative of sorrow for the past, and of sincerity for the future. In that case, his Majesty's message, to which I propose this night to return an answer of concurrence, will retain the character which I have escribed to it-that of a measure of defense for Portugal, not a measure of resentment against Spain.

Facts as to existing dif ferences be

not with them. It rests with the Spanish government to prove that, if its engagements have not been fulfilled-if its intentions have been eluded and unexecuted-the fault has not been with the government, and that it is ready to make every reparation in its power.

I have said that these promises were made to France and to Great Britain as well France and En as to Portugal. I should do a great insulted by her gland equally injustice to France if I were not to conduct. add, that the representations of that government upon this point to the cabinet of Madrid, have been as urgent, and, alas! as fruitless, as those of Great Britain. Upon the first irruption into the Portuguese territory, the French government testified its displeasure by instantly recalling its embassador; and it further directed its chargé d'affaires to signify to his Catholic Majesty, that Spain was not to look for any support from France against the consequences of this aggression upon Portugal. I am bound, I repeat, in justice to the French government, to state, that it has exerted itself to the utmost in urging Spain to retrace the steps which she has so unfortunately taken. It is not for me to say whether any more efficient course might have been adopted to give effect to their exhortations; but as to the sincerity and good faith of the exertions made by the government of France, to press Spain to the execution of her engagements, I have not the shadow of a doubt, and I confidently reckon upon their continuance.

With these explanations and qualifications, let us now proceed to the review of facts. Great desertions took place from the tween Porta Portuguese army into Spain, and some gal and Spain. desertions took place from the Spanish army into Portugal. In the first instance, the Portuguese authorities were taken by surprise; but in every subsequent instance, where they had an opportunity of exercising a discretion, it It will be for Spain, upon knowledge of the is but just to say that they uniformly discour-step now taken by his Majesty, to consider in aged the desertions of the Spanish soldiery. There exist between Spain and Portugal specific treaties, stipulating the mutual surrender of deserters. Portugal had, therefore, a right to claim of Spain that every Portuguese deserter should be forthwith sent back. I hardly know whether from its own impulse, or in consequence

what way she will meet it. The earnest hope and wish of his Majesty's government is, that she may meet it in such a manner is to avert any ill consequences to herself from the measure into which we have been driven by the unjust attack upon Portugal.

Sir, I set out with saying that there were rea

sons which entirely satisfied my judgment that Peroration: The nothing short of a point of national bext great war in faith or national honor would justify, Lurope will be

tne of opinions.

which agitates more or less scusibly different countries of the world, may be compared to that of the Ruler of the Winds, as described by the

"Celsâ sedet Eolus arce,

Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras
Ni faciat, maria ac terras cœlumque profundum
Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantque per auras."
The consequence of letting loose the passions at

duce a scene of desolation which no man can contemplate without horror; and I should not sleep easy on my couch, if I were conscious that I had contributed to precipitate it by a single moment.

This, then, is the reason-a reason very dif ferent from fear-the reverse of a consciousness of disability-why I dread the recurrence of hostilities in any part of Europe; why I would bear much, and would forbear long; why I would (as I have said) put up with almost any thing that did not touch national faith and national honor, rather than let slip the furies of war, the leash of which we hold in our hands-not knowing whom they may reach, or how far their ravages may be carried. Such is the love of peace which the British government acknowledges; and such the necessity for peace which the circumstances of the world inculcate. I will push these topics no further.

at the present moment, any volunta- | poet : ry approximation to the possibility of war. Let me be understood, however, dist.netly as not meaning to say that I dread war in a good cause (and in no other may it be the lot of this country ever to engage!) from a distrust of the strength of the country to commence it, or of her resour-present chained and confined, would be to pro. ces to maintain it. I dread it, indeed-but upon far other grounds: I dread it from an apprehension of the tremendous consequences which might arise from any hostilities in which we might now be engaged. Some years ago, in the discussion of the negotiations respecting the French war against Spain, I took the liberty of adverting to this topic. I then stated that the position of this country in the present state of the world was one of neutrality, not only between contending nations, but between conflicting principles; and that it was by neutrality alone that we could maintain that balance, the preservation of which I believed to be essential to the welfare of mankind. I then said, that I feared that the next war which should be kindled in Europe would be a war not so much of armies as of opinions. Not four years have elapsed, and behold my apprehension realized! It is, to be sure, within narrow limits that this war of opinion is at present confined; but it is a war of opinion that Spain (whether as government or as nation) is now waging against Portugal; it is a war which has commenced in hatred of the new institutions of Portugal. How long is it reasonable to expect that Portugal will abstain from retaliation? If into that war this country shall be compelled to enter, we shall enter into it with a sincere and anxious desire to mitigate rather than exasperate-and to mingle only in the conflict of arms, not in the more fatal conflict of opinions. But I much fear that this country (however earnestly she may endeavor to avoid it) could not, in such case, avoid seeing ranked under her banners all the restless and dissatisfied of any nation with which she might come in conflict. It is the contemplation of this new power in any future war which excites my most anxious apprehension. It is one thing to have a giant's strength, but it would be another to use it like a giant. The consciousness of such strength is, undoubtedly, a source of confidence and security; but in the situation in which this country stands, our business is not to seek opportunities of displaying it, but to content ourselves with letting the professors of violent and exaggerated doctrines on both sides feel, that it is not their interest to convert an umpire into an adversary. The situation of England, amid the struggle of political opinions

I return, in conclusion, to the object of the Address. Let us fly to the aid of Portugal, by whomsoever attacked, because it is our duty to do so; and let us cease our interference where that duty ends. We go to Portugal not to rule, not to dietate, not to prescribe constitutions, but to defend and to preserve the independence of an ally. We go to plant the standard of England on the well-known heights of Lisbon. Where that standard is planted, foreign dominion shall

not come.

The House gave an almost unanimous sup port to an Address approving of the measures adopted; and the insurrection was at once sup pressed in every part of Portugal.

Mr. Canning gained very great and merited applause by this intervention in behalf of a constitutional government. His prediction that the next great war in Europe would be one of opin ions, is yet to be accomplished; and events since the usurpation of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, at the close of 1851, seem clearly to indicate that such a contest may not be far remote.

Eolus sits upon his lofty tower
And holds the scepter, calming all their rage:
Else would they bear sea, earth, and heaven pro
found

In rapid flight, and sweep them through the air.
Virgil's Eneid, bock i., lines 56-9.

EXTRACT S.