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mear to rouse, to alarm the whole nation; to | teen thousand men. Add to these the numbe: rouse the ministry, if possible, who seem to newly raised, and you have about twenty-five. awake to nothing but the preservation of their thousand men to man your fleet. I shall come places--to awaken the King.

presently to the application of this force, suck Early in the last spring, a motion was made as it is, and compare it with the services which in Parliament for inquiring into the state of the I know are indispensable. But first, my Lords. navy, and an augmentation of six thousand sea- let us have done with the boasted vigor of the men was offered to the ministry. They refused ministry. Let us hear no more of their activity. to give us any insight into the condition of the If your Lordships will recall to your minds the navy, and rejected the augmentation. Early in state of this country when Mahon was taken, June they received advice of a commencement and compare what was done by government at of hostilities by a Spanish armament, which had that time with the efforts now made in very warned the King's garrison to quit an island be similar circumstances, you will be able to de. longing to his Majesty. From that to the 12th termine what praise is due to the vigorous operof September, as if nothing had happened, they ations of the present ministry. Upon the first lay dormant. Not a man was raised, not a sin intelligence of the invasion of Minorca, a great gle ship was put into commission. From the fleet was equipped and sent out, and near double 12th of September, when they heard of the first the number of seamen collected in half the time blow being actually struck, we are to date the taken to fit out the present force, which, pitifui beginning of their preparations for defense. Let as it is, is not yet, is the occasion was ever so us now inquire, my Lords, what expedition they pressing, in a condition to go to sea. Consult have used, what vigor they have exerted. We the returns which were laid before Parliament have heard wonders of the diligence employed in the yea. 1756. I was one of those who urged in impressing, of the large bounties offered, and a parliamentary inquiry into the conduct of the the number of ships put into commission. These ministry. That ministry, my Lords, in the midst have been, for some time past, the constant top- of universal censure and reproach, had honor and ics of ministerial boast and triumph. Without virtue enough to promote the inquiry themselves. regarding the description, let us look to the sub They scorned to evade it by the mean expedient stance. I tell your Lordships that, with all this of putting a previous question. Upon the strict. vigor and expedition, they have not, in a period est inquiry, it appeared that the diligence they of considerably more than two months, raised had used in sending a squadron to the Mediter ten thousand seamen. ' mention that number, ranean, and in their other naval preparations, meaning to speak largely, though in my own was beyond all example. breast I am convinced that the number does not My Lords, the subject on which I am speak. exceed eight thousand. But it is said they have ing seems to call upon me, and I willingly take

rdered forty ships of the line into commission. this occasion, to declare my opinion upon a ques. My Lords, upon this subject I can speak with tion on which much wicked pains have been knowledge. I have been conversant in these employed to disturb the minds of the people and matters, and draw my information from the great to distress government. My opinion may not be est and most respectable naval authority that very popular; neither am I running the race of ever existed in this country-I mean the late popularity. I am myself clearly envinced, and Lord Anson. The merits of that great man are I believe every man who knows any thing of the not so universally known, nor his memory so English navy will acknowledge, that without warmly respected as he deserved. To his wis- impressing, it is impossible to equip a respect. dom, to his experience and care (and I speak it able fleet within the time in which such arma. with pleasure), the nation owes the glorious na- ments are usually wanted. If this fact be ad. val successes of the last war. The state of facts mitted, and if the necessity of arming upon a laid before Parliament in the year 1756, so en- sudden emergency should appear incontroverti. tirely convinced me of the injustice done to his ble, what shall we think of those men who, in character, that in spite of the popular clamors the moment of danger, would stop the great de. raised against him, in direct opposition to the fense of their country? Upon whatever princi. complaints of the merchants, and of the whole ple they may act, the act itself is more than fac. city (whose favor I am supposed to court upon tion—it is laboring to cut off the right hand of all occasions), I replaced him at the head of the the community. I wholly condemn their conAdmiralty, and I thauk God that I had resolution duct, and am ready to support any motion that enough to do so. Instructed by this great sea may be made for bringing those aldermen, who man, I do affirm, that forty ships of the line, with have endeavored to stop the execution of the Ad. their necessary attendant frigates, to be properly miralty warrants, to the bar of this House. My manned, require sorty thousand seamen. If your Lords, I do not rest my opinion merely upon ne. Lordships are surprised at this assertion, you cessity. I am satisfied that the power of im. will be more so when I assure you, that in the pressing is founded upon uninterrupted usage last war, this country maintained eighty-five It is the “consuetudo regni" (the custom of the thousand seamen, and employed them all. realm), and part of the common law prerogative

Now, my Lords, the peace establishment of of the Crown. When I condemn the proceed your navy, supposing it complete and effective ings of some persons upon this occasion, let me Iwhich, by-the-by, ought to be known), is six. do justice to a man whose character and condnc

bave been most infamously traduced; I mean ice shall accept of the command and stake his the late Lord Mayor, Mr. Treacothick. In the reputation upon it. We have one ship of the midst of reproach and clamor, he had firmness line at Jamaica, one at the Leeward Islands, and enough to persevere in doing his daty. I do not one at Gibraltar! Yet at this very moment, for know in office a more upright magistrate, nor, aught that the ministry know, both Jamaica an) in private life. a worthier man.

Gibraltar may be attacked ; and if they are at Permit me now, my Lords, to state to your tacked (which God forbid), they must fall. Noth. Lordships the extent and variety of the service ing can prevent it but the appearance of a supe which must be provided for, and to compare rior squadron. It is true that, some two months there with our apparent resources. A due at. ago, four ships of the line were ordered fron tention to, and provision for these services, is Portsmouth and one from Plymouth, to carry : prudence in time of peace; in war it is necessity. relief from Ireland to Gibraltar. These ships Preventive policy, my Lords, which obviates or my Lords, a week ago were still in port. If avoids the injury, is far preferable to that vin- upon their arrival at Gibraltar, they should fini dietive policy which aims at reparation, or has the bay possessed by a superior squadron, the no object bat revenge. The precaution that relief can not be landed; and if it could be land meets the disorder is cheap and easy; the remed, of what force do your Lordships think it con edy which follows it, bloody and expensive. The sists? Two regiments, of four hundred mer first great and acknowledged object of national each, at a time like this, are sent to secure a defense in this country is to maintain such a sus place of such importance as Gibraltar ! a place perior naval force at home, that even the united which it is universally agreed can not hold out fleets of France and Spain may never be masters against a vigorous attack from the sea, if once of the Channel. If that should ever happen, the enemy should be so far masters of the bay what is there to hinder their landing in Ireland, as to make a good landing even with a moderate or even upon our own coast? They have often force. The indispensable service of the lines made the attempt. In King William's time it requires at least four thousand men. The pressucceeded. King James embarked on board a ent garrison consists of about two thousand three French fleet, and landed with a French army in hundred; so that if the relief should be fortuIreland. In the mean time the French were nate enough to get on shore, they will want eight masters of the Channel, and continued so until hundred men of their necessary complement. their fleet was destroyed by Admiral Russel. Let us now, my Lords, turn our eyes homeAs to the probable consequences of a foreign ward. When the defense of Great Britain or army landing in Great Britain or ireland, I shall Ireland is in question, it is no longer a point of offer roar Lordships my opinion when I speak honor; it is not the security of foreign com of the actual condition of our standing army. merce or foreign possessions; we are to con

The second naval object with an English min. tend for the being of the state. I have good ister should be to maintain at all times a power. authority to assure your Lordships that the ful Western squadron. In the profoundest peice Spaniards have now a fleet at Ferrol, completeit should be respectable; in war it should be ly manned and ready to sail, which we are in formidable. Without it, the colonies, the com- no condition to meet. We could not this day merce, the navigation of Great Britain, lie at send out eleven ships of the line properly equipthe mercy of the house of Bourbon. While I ped, and to-morrow the enemy may be masters had the honor of acting with Lord Anson, that of the Channel. It is unnecessary to press the able officer never ceased to inculcate upon the consequences of these facts upon your Lord. minds of his Majesty's servants, the necessity of ships' minds. If the enemy were to land in ful? constantly maintaining a strong Western squad force, either upon this coast or in Ireland, where ron; and I must vouch for him, that while he is your army? Where is your defense ? My was at the head of the marine, it was never neg. Lords, if the house of Bourbon make a wise and lected.

| vigorous use of the actual advantages they have The third object indispensable, as I conceive, over us, it is more than probable that on this day in the distribution of our navy, is to maintain month we may not be a nation. What military such a force in the Bay of Gibraltar as may be force can the ministry show to answer any sud sufficient to cover that garrison, to watch the den demand ? I do not speak of foreign expe. motions of the Spaniards, and to keep open the ditions or offensive operations; I speak of the communication with Minorca. The ministry interior defense of Ireland and of this country will not betray such a want of information as to You have a nominal army of seventy battalions, Jispite the truth of any of these propositions. | besides guards and cavalry. But what is the Bat how will your Lordships be astonished when establishment of these battalions ? Supposing ( inform you in what manner they have provided they were complete in the numbers allowed, for these great, these essential objects ? As to which I know they are not, each regiment the first-1 mean the defense of the Channel - would consist of something less than four hun. I take upon myself to affirm to your Lordships, dred men, rank and file. Are these pattalions abat, at this hour (and I beg that the date may complete? Have any orders been given for an be taken down and observed), we can not send augmentation, or do the ministry mean to conout eleven ships of the line so manned and equip. tinue them upon their present low establishment? ped, that any officer of rank and credit in the serv. | When America, the West Indios, Gibraltar, an! Minorca, are taken care of, consider, my Lords, I ment, we have an internal strength sufficient in what part of this army will remain to defend repel any foreign invasion. With respect to Ire. Ireland and Great Britain? This subject, my land, my Lords, I am not of the same opinion. Lords, leads me to considerations of foreign If a powerful foreign army were landed in that policy and foreign alliance. It is more connect kingdom, with arms ready to be put into the ed with them than your Lordships may at first hands of the Roman Catholics, I declare freely imagine. When I compare the numbers of our to your Lordships that I should heartily wish it people, estimated highly at seven millions, with were possible to collect twenty thousand German the popu ation of France and Spain, usually com- Protestants, whether from Hesse, or Brunswick, puted at twenty-five millions, I see a clear, self-or Wollenbuttle, or even the unpopular Hano evident impossibility for this country to contend verians, and land them in Ireland. I wish it, my with the united power of the house of Bourbon Lords, because I am convinced that, whenever merely upon the strength of its own resources. the case happens, we shall have no English army They who talk of confining a great war to naval to spare. operations only, speak without knowledge or ex I have taken a wide circuit, my Lords, and perience. We can no more command the dis- trespassed, I fear, too long upon your Lordships' position than the events of a war. Wherever patience. Yet I can not conclude without enwe are attacked, there we must defend.

deavoring to bring home your thoughts to an I have been much abused, my Lords, for sup- object more immediately interesting to us than porting a war which it has been the fashion to any I have yet considered ; I mean the internal call my German war. But I can affirm with a condition of this country. We may look abroad clear conscience, that that abuse has been thrown for wealth, or triumphs, or luxury; but England, on me by men who were either unacquainted with my Lords, is the main stay, the last resort of the facts, or had an interest in misrepresenting them. whole empire To this point every scheme of I shall speak plainly and frankly to your Lord. policy, whether foreign or domestic, should ulti. ships upon this, as I do upon every occasion. mately refer. Have any measures been taken That I did in Parliament oppose, to the utmost to satisfy or to unite the people? Are the griev. of my power, our engaging in a German war, is ances they have so long complained of removed ? most true; and if the same circumstance were or do they stand not only unredressed, but ag. to recur, I would act the same part, and oppose gravated? Is the right of free election restored it again. But when I was called upon to take a to the elective body? My Lords, I myself am share in the administration, that measure was one of the people. I esteem that security and already decided. Before I was appointed Sec- independence, which is the original birthright of retary of State, the first treaty with the King of an Englishman, far beyond the privileges, how. Prussia was signed, and not only ratified by the ever splendid, which are annexed to the peer. Crown, but approved of and confirmed by a reso- age. I myself am by birth an English elector, lution of both houses of Parliament. It was a and join with the freeholders of England as in a weight fastened upon my neck. By that treaty common cause. Believe me, my Lords, we mis. the honor of the Crown and the honor of the na- take our real interest as much as our duty when tion were equally engaged. How I could re- we separate ourselves from the mass of the peo. cede from such an engagement-how I could ple. Can it be expected that Englishmen will advise the Crown to desert a great prince in unite heartily in the defense of a government by the midst of those difficulties in which a reliance which they feel themselves insulted and oppress. upon the good faith of this country had contrib ed? Restore them to their rights; that is the uted to involve him, are questions I willingly true way to make them unanimous. It is not a submit to your Lordships' candor. That won. ceremonious recommendation from the Throne derful man might, perhaps, have extricated him that can bring back peace and harmony to a self from his difficulties without onr assistance. discontented people. That insipid annual opiate He has talents which, in every thing that touches has been administered so long that it has lost its the human capacity, do honor to the human mind. effect. Something substantial, something effect. But how would England have supported that rep- ual must be done. utation of credit and good faith by which we have The public credit of the nation stands next in been distinguished in Europe ? What other for degree to the rights of the Constitution; it calls eign power would have sought our friendship? loudly for the interposition of Parliament. There What other foreign power would have accepted is a set of men, my Lords, in the city of London, cf an alliance with us?

who are known to live in riot and luxury apou But, my Lords, though I wholly condemn our the plunder of the ignorant, the innocent, tbe entering into any engagements which tend to in- helpless-upon that part of the community which volve us in a continental war, I do not admit that stands most in need of, and best deserves the care alliances with some of the German princes are and protection of the Legislature. To me, boy either detrimental or useless. They may be, my Lords, whether they be miserable jobbers cr Lords, not only useful, but necessary. I hope, l 'Change Alley, or the lofty Asiatic plunderers of indeed, I never shall see an army of foreign aux. Leadenhall Stree, they are all equally detesta. viaries in Great Britain ; we do not want it. If ble. I care but little whether a man walks og yur people are united-if they are attached to foot, or is drawn by eight horses or six irurses; the King, and place confidence in his govern- | if his luxury is supported by the plunder of bus country, I despise and detest him. My Lords, When I speak of an administration, such as while I had the honor of serving his Majesty, I the necessity of the season calls for, my views ne ser ventured to look at the treasury but at a are large and comprehensive. It must be popa. Jistance; it is a business I am unfit for, and to lar, that it may begin with reputation. It must which I never could have submitted. The little be strong within itself, that it may proceed with I know of it has not served to raise my opinion vigor and decision. An administration, formed of what is vulgarly called the moneyed interest ; upon an exclusive system of family connections I mean that blood-sucker, that muck-worm, which or private friendships, can not, I am convinced, calls itself the friend of government—that pre- be long supported in this country. Yet, my beads to serve this or that administration, and Lords, no man respects or values more than I do may be purchased, on the same terms, by any that honorable connection, which arises from a ulministration—that advances money to govern- disinterested concurrence in opinion upon public nent, and takes special care of its own emolu- measures, or from the sacred bond of privato ments. Under this description I include the whole friendship and esteem. What I mean is, that no race of commissaries, jobbers, contractors, cloth- single man's private friendships or connections, vers, and remitters. Yet I do not deny that, however extensive, are sufficient of themselves aven with these creatures, some management either to form or overturn an administration. may be necessary. I hope, my Lords, that noth- With respect to the ministry, I believe they have ing that I have said will be understood to extend fewer rivals than they imagine. No pruden to the honest and industrious tradesman, who man will covet a situation so beset with diffibolds the middle rank, and has given repeated culty and danger. proofs that he prefers law and liberty to gold. 1 I shall trouble your Lordships with but a few love that class of men. Much less would I be words more. His Majesty tells us in his speech thought to reflect upon the fair merchant, whose that he will call upon us for our advice, if it liberal commerce is the prime source of national should be necessary in the farther progress of wealth. I esteem his occupation and respect this affair. It is not easy to say whether or no his character.

the ministry are serious in this declaration, noj My Lords, if the general representation, which what is meant by the progress of an affair which I have had the honor to lay before you, of the rests upon one fixed point. Hitherto we have situation of public affairs, has in any measure not been called upon. But, though we are no engaged your attention, your Lordships, I am consulted, it is our right and duty, as the King' sure, will agree with me, that the season calls great hereditary council, to offer him our advice for more than common prudence and vigor in the The papers mentioned in the noble Duke's mo direction of our councils. The difficulty of the tion will enable us to form a just and accurate crisis demands a wise, a firm, and a popular ad- opinion of the conduct of his Majesty's servants, ministration. The dishonorable traffic of places though not of the actual state of their honorable has engaged us too long. Upon this subject, my negotiations. The ministry, too, seem to want Lords, I speak without interest or enmity. I advice upon some points in which their own safebave no personal objection to any of the King's ty is immediately concerned. They are now serrants. I shall never be minister; certainly balancing between a war which they ought to not without full power to cut away all the rotten have foreseen, but for which they have made no branches of government. Yet, unconcerned as I provision, and an ignominious compromise. Let truly am for myself, I can not avoid seeing some me warn them of their danger. If they are capital errors in the distribution of the royal fa-forced into a war, they stand it at the hazard of for. There are men, my Lords, who, is their their heads. If by an ignominious compromise own services were forgotten, ought to have an they should stain the honor of the Crown, or sachereditary merit with the house of Hanover ;rifice the rights of the people, let them look to whose ancestors stood forth in the day of trouble, the consequences, and consider whether they will opposed their persons and fortunes to treachery be able to walk the streets in safety. and rebellion, and secured to his Majesty's family this splendid power of rewarding. There The Duke of Richmond's motion was nega. are other men, my Lords (looking sternly at Lord tived by a vote of 65 to 21. The ministry, how. Mansfield], who, to speak tenderly of them, were ever, took from this time more decided ground, not quite so forward in the demonstrations of and demanded a restoration of the islands, and a their zeal to the reigning family. There was an- disavowal of their seizure, as the only course on other cause, my Lords, and a partiality to it, the part of Spain which could prevent immediate which some persons had not at all times discre war. It is now known that the Spanish court, tion enough to conceal. I know I shall be ac- in adopting these measures, had acted in concert cused of attempting to revive distinctions. My with the court of France, and had reason to ex Lords, if it were possible, I would abolish all dis-pect her support, whatever might be the conse. tinctions. I would not wish the favors of the quences. Had this support been afforded, the Crowa to low invariably in one channel. But war predicted by Lord Chatham would inevita there are some distinctions which are inherent bly have taken place. But the King of France in the nature of things. There is a distinction found himself involved m great pecuniary diffi. between righ art wrong-between Wac and culties, and could not ve induced to enter into TORY.

! the war. The Spaniards were therefore com

elled to yield. They disavowed the seizure were abandoned by the English; and it is nov and restored the islands, on condition that this understood that Lord North secretly agrerd to restoration should not affect any clain of right do this, when the arrangement was made for the on the part of Spain. Three years after, they restoration of the islands by the Spanish




INTRODUCTION. The health of Lord Chatham had for some time prevented him from taking any active part in public affairs. During two years he had rarely made his appearance in the House of Lords. and nothing but the rash and headlong measures of Lord North in regard to America, could have drawn dou again from his retireinent.

In speaking of those measures, it may be proper briefly to remind the reader of some of the preceding events. When Charles Townsend was left at the head of affairs, by Lord Chatham's unfortunate illness during the winter of 1766-7, he was continually goaded by Mr. Grenville on the subject of American taxation. “You are cowards! You are afraid of the Americans. You dare not tax America !" The rash spirit of Townsend was roused by these attacks. “Tear?" said he. “Cowards ? Dare not tax Amer ica? I dare tac America !" Grenville stood silent for a moment, and then said, "Dare you tax Amer. ica? I wish to God you would do it." Townsend replied, "I will, I will." This hasty declaration could not be evaded or withdrawn, and in June, 1767, Townsend brought in a bill imposing duties on glass, paper, pasteboard, white and red lead, painters' colors, and tea, imported into the colonies. The preamble declared that it was “expedient to raise a revenue in America." A spirit of decided resistance to these taxes was at once manifested throughout all the colonies, and Lord North, on coming into power about two years after, introduced a bill repealing all the duties imposed by the act of 1767, except that on tea. But this was unsatisfactory, for it put the repeal on "commercial grounds" alone, and expressly reserved the right of taxation. At the close of 1773, the East India Company, encouraged by the ministry, sent large quantities of tea to Boston and some other American ports. The people resolved that the tea should not be landed, but should be sent back to England in the ships that brought it. As this was forbidden by the Custom-house, all the tea on board the ships lying in Boston harbor was thrown into the water by men disguised as Indians. on the evening of December 18th, 1773. This daring act awakened the keenest re. sentment of the British ministry. In March, 1774, laws were passed depriving Massachusetts of her char. ter, closing the port of Boston, and allowing persons charged with capital offenses to be carried to En. gland for trial. As a means of farther enforcement, a bill was introduced in the month of May, 1774, for quartering troops on the inhabitants of the town of Boston, and other parts of the American colonies This state of things gave rise to a number of Lord Chatham's post celebrated speeches, of which the fol lowing was the first in order.

SPEECH, &c. My Lords,—The unfavorable state of health my Lords, if the descendants of such illustriou: under which I have long labored, could not pre- characters spurr. with contempt the hand of unvent me from laying before your Lordships my constitutional power, that would snatch froiu thoughts on the bill now upon the table, and on them such dear-bought privileges as they no di the American affairs in general.

contend for? Had the British colonies been If we take a transient view of those motives planted by any other kingdom than our own, the which induced the ancestors of our fellow-sub inhabitants would have carried with them the jects in America to leave their native country, chains of slavery and spirit of despotism ; but to encounter the innumerable difficulties of the as they are, they ought to be remembered as unexplored regions of the Western World, our great instances to instruct the world what great astonishment at the present conduct of their de- exertions mankind will naturally make, when scendants will naturally subside. There was no they are left to the free exercise of their own corner of the world into which men of their free powers. And, my Lords, notwithstanding my and enterprising spirit would not fly with alac- intention to give my hearty negative to the quesrity, rather than submit to the slavish and tyran- tion now before you, I can not heip condemning nical principles which prevailed at that period in the severest manner the late turbulent and un. in their native country. And shall we wonder, warrantable conduct of the Americans in some

instances, particularly in the late riots of Boston · See Burke's admirable sketches of Grenville. But, my Lords, the mode which has been pur Townsend, and Lord Chatham's third ministry, in sued to bring them back to a sense of their duty ais Speech on American Taxation.

to their parent state, has been so diametrically

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