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Alas. Yes, Velasquez 't is,
Are you there, Alasco?
I would be
So I told you ! well,
What is 't, Velasquez ?
Velas. I do; and therefore wished thy son away;
Bring'st thou me news Would rouse the fury of my son, Velasquez? Thou mak’st me tremble :
O Heaven !My daughter! I knew no good could come of this avowal ! The Prince has used her ill! and, if he has, Let him look to it! Let him!
I thank thee, Nature! To have left me strength!
I yet am worth a blow!
God bless the Prince !
-What's amiss, Velasquez ?
I did so.
I see 't is nothing that affects
child : Nought can do wrong, while the good Prince is near her.
Velas. He is no longer near her.
No! not near her?
Velas. Thy child and he are wronged.
We'll right them, then!
Ruph. His right to his throne is void, if he breaks through
Alas. [Entering.) Here, father.
Oh!-I called,—did I ?
Your poor sister, boy!
Tell it you, Velasquez!
Velas. Your sister is divorced, Alasco,
Alma. Who break the laws! Yes, the fair Prince Alonzo_ Royal Alonzo! weary of his wife,-on pretext of command
From the King to lead his armies,'t was contrived,
Ruph. Thou liest.
Peace, Almagro! Nay,
Alma. My dear Alasco!
Dear! how long ?
Alma. For me! [Furiously.]
Alas. Again? May not an old man say What he likes ?
Ruph. I would all young men spoke as true!
Alma. No more can mine. I have no foes
Velas. I could be friends with him bespoke me foul;
Alma. By Heaven! Velasquez. [Furiously.]
rage again? Or did I dream you do? Friends, if not friends Among yourselves, waive jars awhile for me! Who is the caitiff, be it not the man Laws civil and religious cannot bind? What should be
done to such,
He should be stripped on't
Ruph. O no-no-no! He should be made
ful things like men! Alas.
We'll master him, Then deal with him. /
My son, you will not then
No fear of us !
Ruph. Back-back, Velasquez, as thou lovest me!
[Velasquez goes out.] Alas. Alma. At the cross! [The rest echo these words,
exclaiming;] 'At the cross !' Alma. Now for redress of common grievances :Burdens should not be borne,we'll cast them off!
Peas. We will !
Alas. One signal wrong does better than
Peas. To arms!
Alas. I am thy son; and for that very reason
sister suffers An injury and a shame.--To arms ! to arms ! [All except Ruphino rush out, crying, "To arms ! to arms.')
EXERCISE LXIII.-SPEECH ON THE REVENUE BILL OF 1833.
Clay. [See introductory remarks on preceding exercises in declamation.]
South Carolina has attempted to defeat the execution of the laws of the United States. But, it seems that, under all the circumstances of the case, she has, for the present, determined to stop here, in order that by our legislation, we may prevent the necessity of her advancing any further. The memorable first of February is past
. I confess I did feel an unconquerable repugnance to legislation until that day should have passed, because of the consequences that were to ensue. I hoped that the day would go over well. I feel, and I think that we must all confess, we breathe a freer air than when the restraint was upon us.
But this is not the only consideration. South Carolina has practically postponed her ordinance, instead of letting it go into effect, till the fourth of March. Nobody who has noticed the course of events, can doubt that she will postpore it by still further legislation, if Congress should rise without any settlement of this question. I was going to say, my life on it, she will postpone it to a period subsequent to the fourth of March. It is in the natural course of events. South Carolina must perceive the embarrassments of her situation. She must be desirous—it is unnatural to suppose that she is not to remain in the Union.
What! a State whose heroes in its gallant ancestry fought so many glorious battles along with those of the other States of this Union,-a State with which this confederacy is linked by bonds of such a powerful character !
I have sometimes fancied what would be her condition if she goes out of this Union! if her five hundred thousand people should at once be thrown upon their own resources. She is ont of the Union. What is the consequence? She is an independent power. What then does she do? She must have armies and fleets, and an expensive government -have foreign missions—she must raise taxes-enact this very tariff, which had driven her out of the Union, in order to enable her to raise money, and to sustain the attitude of an independent power. If she should have no force, no navy to protect her, she would be exposed to piratical incursions. Her neighbour, St. Domingo, might pour down a horde of pirates on her borders, and desolate her plantations. She must have her embassies, therefore must she have a revenue. But I will not dwell on this topic any longer. I
it is utterly impossible that South Carolina ever desired, for a moment, to become a separate and independent State. I would repeat that, under all the circumstances of the case, the condition of South Carolina is only one of the elements of a combination, the whole of which together, constitutes a motive of action which renders it expedient to resort, during the present session of Congress, to some measure, in order to quiet and tranquillize the country.
If there be any who want civil war-who want to see the blood of any portion of our countrymen spilt, I am not one of them,-I wish to see war of no kind; but, above all, do I not desire to see a civil war. When war begins, whether civil or foreign, no human foresight is competent to foresee when, or how, or where it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land,