syne. He remembered them well, as little girls, he would not say how long ago the least said about that the better; but he would say, Providence was very pretty. He remembered well her rosy cheeks and soft, brown hair; ah! was he not addressing Providence now? "He knew her by that same soft, brown hair." Providence blushed; "she never was pretty, he was a sad flatterer." But he thought her pretty; her image had gone with him through life-a divine memory. Ah! these early loves; what hold they take on the mind. He had married, and Hannah had proved a very good wife; but he had the misfortune to bury her; now he was lonely, very lonely, indeed. Man was not born to be alone; his spirit pines for the sweet companionship of woman. His conversation was quite af fecting, and so worked upon the tender feelings of Providence, that she cordially invited him to stay to Lucinda was disgusted, when her sister ran upstairs and told her what she had done. tea. "You are as thoughtless as a child, Provy," she replied, angrily; "as to his loneliness and his grief, I don't believe a word of it; men always talk that way when they wish to marry again; even if they have their house as full as it will hold of mothers, grandmothers, aunts and sisters, they walk amidst a multiplicity of females, all highly interesting and agreeable people, and ery lonely. O, they are a de ceitful race, and if this man has come here to hunt for a wife he is greatly mistaken;" and Miss Lucinda dashed out of the room. "The imperial votress passed on. In maiden meditation fancy free." But, even in that home of the vestals, there was a wife for Mr. Jacob Clarke; and he came and came again, until the fair Providence consented to endow him with her hand, and, what was of infinitely more consequence to him, her goods. But, she dared not breathe the rash promise to Lucinda; in her exasperated state it would throw her into fits. Accordingly, one sunny morning, when the skies were blue and the sun was golden, in walks Providence Clarke, born Sharpe, and says, in triumphant tones: "Lucindy, this is my husband." "What!" screamed Lucindy; "Provy, you are certainly mad." "Dear sister Lucinda," said Jacob Clarke, smilingly, " Providence never exhibited more striking signs of sanity than in marrying me. Yes, I have the supreme happiness of calling myself the husband of your charming sister. We were united in the silken bonds of matrimony a few moments ago; we have returned to ask you to give us an affectionate welcome." "Never," said the indignant Lucinda; "you have sinned beyond all hope of pardon; leave my presence immediately." "He was so lonely," murmured the bride; "I married him to comfort him." "She did, indeed, blessed woman," ejaculated Jacob Clarke. "O, go away, both of you," sobbed out Lucinda; “better be dead than subjected to these constant shocks." A few weeks after her marriage, Providence wrote to her sister, imploring forgiveness. "0,” she said, "Lucindy, I am so happy; Jacob is one of the sweetest and dearest men that ever lived; he is a perfect pearl; matrimony is the most charming state I was ever in. How could we denounce these noble beings as demons; my erring sister; be convinced, they are only a little lower than the angels. Men, inen !" "She certainly is crazy," said Lucinda, throwing down the letter. "Men, indeed. I don't care to see how she finishes that sentence now." Miss Lucinda was wretched after the departure of her sister, and the Presbyterian clergyman, who lived next door, was kind enough to step in of an evening, to sit with her and offer consolation. In a short time Lucinda was heard to pronounce him a man of wonderful grace, deeply interesting, and charmingly consolatory. Old prejudices vanished as speedily as "The tear down childhood's cheek that flows;" a bishop was superfluous, apostolic descent could not be proved, in short," "Stop, stop, aunt, I implore you. I swallowed that story of Miss Provy, but, indeed, I cannot open my mouth wide enough to take in Lucindy too." "My dear, if I were telling you a fiction, gladly would I stop here; but this is a veritable history. I regret, for consistency's sake, to say that Lucinda actually married the clergyman. Now, when you protest so positively against matrimony, just think of this story of a woman's no. We, none of us, can tell what we may be induced to do in this world of change. Like you, like the Misses Sharpe, I once said I never would marry. I am now Mrs. Villers. Ah! here is my husband. We are just discussing a woman's no, my dear." "What do you think of a woman's no, uncle," eagerly cried Lucy. "A woman's no; well, let me see, Lucy, love, if Mrs. Villers will excuse me, I must say that my experience of it proves it gratis dictum, said for nothing." "Nature will be reported; all things are engaged in writing its history. The planet, the pebble goes attended by its shadow. The rolling rock leaves its scratches on the mountain, the river its channels in the soil, the animal its bones in the stratum, the fern and leaf their modest epitaph in the coal. The fallen drop makes its sculpture in the sand or stone. Not a foot steps into the snow, or along the ground, but prints in characters, more or less lasting, a map of its march. Every act of man inscribes itself in the memories of his fellows, and in his own face. The air is full of sounds, the sky of tokens, the ground of memoranda and signatures; and every object is covered over with hints, which speak to the intelligent."-Miller. "Persevering mediocrity is much more respectable, and unspeakably more useful than talented inconstancy." "A noble nature aims its attention breast-high; a mean mind levels its paltry assiduities at the pocket." "An obstinate man does not hold opinions, but they hold him." EDITORS' TABLE. The pamphlet entitled Le Pape et le Congrès, recently published in Paris, and which has created a great sensation all over Europe, is currently attributed to the pen of M. de La Guéronière, under the direction of the Emperor, although it is fair to add, that the French Minister at Rome is reported to have informed the Pope that it must not be considered as the programme of the French Government. The pamphlet is divided into twelve parts, of which we shall attempt to give, in order, a short résumé, taking care to preserve its phraseology as far as the necessary condensation will admit. The author, announcing himself as a sincere Catholic, thinks that adopting a middle course between two extreme opinions, it is not impossible to preserve to the Sovereign Pontiff his patrimony without imposing on populations by force, an authority which governs in the name of God. He believes that both Catholic doctrine and political wisdom teach the necessity of the temporal power of the Pope. In a religious point of view this position is essential; politically considered, the chief of two hundred millions of Catholics should be held under subjection by no one power, and, in the governing of souls, be free to rise above all human passions. For three long centuries Europe found its moral equilibrium deeply disturbed when the Popes allowed their authority to be absorbed by the Holy Germanic Empire. The contest of the Guelphs and Ghibelines was at bottom the effort for the moral emancipation of the Papacy from the preponderance of the Emperor of Germany. All the great Popes were Guelphs, a term still retained to express this effort. In fact, all Christian powers, without exception, have a deep interest in the independ ence of the Sovereign Pontiff. But in what should this temporal power consist? Founded on dogma, how can it be conciliated with interests of a purely human character? How can the man of the Gospel who pardons be the man of the Law who punishes? How can the head of the Church who ex-communicates heretics, be the chief of the State who protects liberty of conscience? The problem is difficult when the species of antagonism is considered which exists between the Prince and the Pontiff united in one person. The Pontiff is bound by principles of divine order, the Prince solicited by exigences of a social character. The solution of the problem is to be found in none of the usual forms of government-the gaol will be reached neither by a monarchy nor by liberty. The power of the Pope can only be a paternal power. It should resemble rather a family than a State. Thus, not only is an extensive territory unnecessary, but we believe it is essential that it be limited. The smaller the territory the greater the Sovereign." A large State, the author believes, would feel the want of a political life to associate itself to human progress, but, bound by dogmas, by tradition, it could not. The consequence would then be a total blight of generous activity in public life, or else an overflow of noble aspirations; whence would arise, such as experience bas already taught, the necessity of a material force to supply the deficiency of moral authority. Hence an Austrian or French army of occupation. This state of things neither France nor any truly religious man can desire. "The temporal power of the Pope is therefore necessary and legitimate; but it is incompatible with a State of any extent. It is possible only as devoid of the ordinary conditions of government— all that which constitutes its activity. its development, its progress. It should exist without an army, without a legislative representation, and, so to say, without code and without justice. A regime by itself, approaching, as already stated, the family authority rather than the ruling of a people. Under this regime dogmas are laws, priests are legislators, altars are citadels and spiritual arms, the sole ægis of government. power is less in its strength than in its Its weakness. It dwells in the respect which it imposes, in the happiness which it bestows on those to whom it refuses the satisfactions of a political life." Hence the conclusion of the author: subjects enough for independence, not enough for a political rôle. In this latter part the Pope would find the conditions of servitude for himself, the necessity of subjection for his people. Rome, the centre of Catholic unity, has taken the place of the capital of the world. Rome is the spot naturally pointed out for the See of the Pope. Under ordinary conditions it would lose its prestige, but, as it now stands, its citizens, if not members of a great country, are the citizens of a glorious metropolis. "The Roman Senate has no compensation worthy of itself but the Vatican." In exchange for so elevated a position, a few hundred thousands of souls may well be withdrawn from national life, while to them are secured both comfort and social help. A member of the Italian Confederacy, the Pope is protected by the federal army. When enemies without or within are to be encountered, he should not draw the sword; his hand should rise only to bless. To sum up, a strictly municipal organization, and nothitg besides contemplation, the arts, the culture of reminiscences, prayer. Is this too great a sacrifice when, in exchange for politi Ical life, they receive a paternal administration, a moral grandeur, a splendid court endowed by the generous contributions of the Catholic powers of Enrope? With such privileges and with great Popes, who would not be proud of the title of Roman citizen-civis romanus? The author, after this introduction, examines the question of the Romagnas. Still a sincere Catholic, he takes the Papal interests alone into consideration. The Romagnas, by the treaty of 1815, being a legitimate possession of the Holy See, their inhabitants must be considered in a state of revolt. The question then arises, whether it is for the interest of the Papacy and of religion that these provinces be restored. The author believes otherwise, and sees in a diminution of territory a source of moral aggrandizement, in consequence of the relief from political resistance, which only tends to paralyze. As things now stand, the Pope could only reign by constraint, whereas he should only reign by inspiring confidence-the only influence to be used by him who governs, Gospel in hand. Bologna, Ancona and Ravenna, separated as they are from Rome by a chain of mountains, by the character of their inhabitants and their historical recollections, add no thing to the splendour of the Papal See. It is the Pope reigning at Rome and seated in the Vatican, which strikes the world. The Sovereign of the Papal States is scarcely thought of. The voluntary adhesion of the Romagnas would remove all objection; but this adhesion does not exist in a country preserved only by twenty years of Austrian occupation-Austria being still in Bologna when the French standard appeared on the Alps. To insist, under these circumstances, on a restoration, would oblige the Church to renounce her noblest title-that of Mother. Such is not her wish, nor that of the Catholic world. Let it, however, be supposed, for the sake of argument, that the Pope is willing to proceed to this dangerous extremity. How are the Romagnas to be restored? Persuasion and wise counsels having signally failed, force alone remains. But restoration by force has always eventually proved a failure. It is true that France brought Pius IX. back to Rome; but this already was a misfortune for the Church, as proved by the necessity of a French army of occupation; although it should be added that the past grandeur of Rome points out her exceptional destiny. Such has been the decree of civilization, of history, even of God himself. But can this destiny apply to the other cities of the Roman States? By no means. The siege of each city of the Romagnas would prove the moral ruin of the Sovereign Pontiff, exchanging his sublime pontificate for a dictatorship. To go on still farther, who of France or of Austria would be entrusted with this forced restoration? France? She could not. As a Catholic nation, she could not inflict so deep a wound on the moral influence of Catholicity; as a liberal nation, she could not use constraint against the repulsion felt by a people for any government. It has never been in the habit of France to constrain nations. When she has meddled, it has been to free them. The assistance given to America by Louis XVI., the marked influence of France in forming the Kingdoms of Greece, of Belgium, of the Danubian Principalities, are adduced by the author as examples. He considers this rule of conduct as especially marking the present policy of France. She has used, in Italy, her utmost endeavour to reconcile the people with their rulers; all in vain. She cannot forget that the new governments saw the light the day Austria departed. They were the legiti mate offspring of a reaction against foreign occupation. It would certainly have suited the moderation of France had the promised reforms been accepted; but she cannot turn her bayonets against the country she protected six months ago, and "leave to England, our liberal ally, the exclusive privilege of claiming the consequences of the Emperor's undertaking and of the triumph of our arms." Shall, then, Austria intervene ?-shall all the blood shed and sums expended, have been shed and expended in vain? French policy knows no such contradictions, no such weakness. Justice is, however, due to Austria's loyalty and good sense-she has no such preten sions. There remains only Naples to consider. But she has need at home of all her armed forces, Should they, however, interfere, Naples, the champion of absolutism, would be opposed by liberal Piedmont. Civil war, and then anarchy, would be the end. The author now comes to the Congress as the only "regular, efficacious and legitimate means of interventiona body based on international law." The Congress of Paris has full power to change, in 1860, what that of Vienna accomplished in 1815; and in regard to the action of the first body on the Romagnas, supposing these to be withdrawn from the Papacy, there would exist a manifest difference. In 1815 the Romagnas were disposed of, in 1860 there would be the simple recording of a fait accompli. The competency of the Congress cannot be denied, without denying to the Congress of Vienna-as composed, principally, of schismatic powers-the right to have disposed, in favour of the Pope, of the Marches and the Romagnas. History rejects the opinion of the indivisibility of the Papal territory. These changes the pamphleteer passes in review, from the time Pepin of France bestowed the Romagnas on Pope Stephen II. To maintain another doctrine would be to deny the sovereignty of France over Avignon and the Venaissin County, ceded to France, in 1796, by Pius VI., at Tolentino, along with the territories of Bologna, Ferrara and Romagna. The spiritual authority of the Pope is alone immutable. What is to be done? According to the author, both those who would take all away from the Pope and those who would give him all, although radically opposed, would produce a like effect on the Papacy. "We believe there is a more feasible plan. First, we would wish that the Congress acknowledge, as an essential principle of European order, the necessity of the Pope's temporal power. This, for us, is the main point. The principle possesses, in our eyes, greater value than the more or less of territcrial possession which would be its natural consequence. As regards possession, the city of Rome sums up its importance. The city of Rome and the patrimony of St. Peter must be secured to the Pope, by the great powers, with a large revenue paid by the Catholic States, as a tribute of respect and protection, to the Head of the Church. An Italian militia, composed of chosen men from among the Federal troops, must ensure the tranquillity and the inviolability of the Holy See. Municipal liberty, on as broad a basis as possible, must relieve the Pope from all the details of government, and thus procure a share of public local being to those who are disinherited of political life. Finally, all complications-all idea of war and revolt, must forever be banished from the territory governed by the Pope, and we must be able to say: "Wherever reigns the Vicar of Christ, there, also. reign concord, well-being and peace." Why deceive ourselves? The Holy See stands, at the present, on a volcano, constantly threatened with revolution. Military occupations compromise, while they protect. A change is necessary. The Emperor Napoleon felt that, to save the Papacy, Italy should first be free. God has blessed his projects and given him victory. May his be the honour of reconciling the Pope, as temporal Sovereign, with his people, with his times. "This is what every sincere Catholic heart should ask of God." We have thus given the substance of the pamphlet, and do not design making any comments upon it. Our readers may, however, be interested to know the opinions of the French press. They will find them fairly presented in the following extracts. Mr. Gaillardet, in his last letter to the Courier des Etats Unis, referring to the Bishop of Orleans' answer to the pamphlet, says: you "Encouraged by the effect of his last pastoral letter, the Bishop of Orleans has again descended into the arena, and attacked the anonymous author of the pamphlet, whom he treats with supreme disdain. Take care,' says he, will finish by wounding us. I cannot say whether we needed to be awakened; but you succeed admirably in opening our eyes.' He calls upon the author to make himself known-to take off his mask-and reminds him that he who touches the rock of the Holy See is shattered. The letter of M. Dupanloup is divided, as a sermon, into three parts: the principles, the means and the object. As regards the principles, the Bishop of Orleans does not admit the incom |