ces, to be faithful and true in their allegiance to By the governor ANDREW JACKSON. R. K. CALL, ROBERT BUTLER, very fair to assail a system which I never pretended to approve--that is, of direct assessments on real estate: this, and this alone, is the common and the accepted meaning of direct taxation. The friends of manufactures have never urged this-the committee of manufactures, in the strongest terms, gave it their reprobation-indeed, no man in the nation has ever made the proposition for its acoption. Let this suffice-let me not be compelled to expose the unfairness of attempting to deceive the people: hereafter let direct taxation rest in peace; it may be an item, but it is no necessary part of a system of national revenue. The secretary of the treasury, in all his official reports, discriminates between direct taxes and internal duties; the constitution of the United States prescribes the mode of apportionment as to the direct taxes, but is silent The following speech as to all others.-In practice they are entirely dis"THE HOLY ALLIANCE." delivered by the emperor of Austria to the profes-tinct from internal revenue, and no men better sors of the Lyceum of Laybach, has been hereto- know it than Messrs. Gales and Seaton-they shall fore alluded to, but we have thought it worthy of not draw the attention of the public to a system preservation, as unfolding even yet further the de- which has been universally disapproved, in order to avoid a discussion of one which they are unwil testable doctrines of the holy alliance. “Gentlemen-- i he students of Carniola have al-ling should be understood by the people. I must ways deserved praise. Endeavor to preserve for them this good character. Remain ever faithful to what is ancient; for what is ancient is good, and Why should it not our ancestors ever found it so. be the same with us? People are occupied elsewhere with new notions that I cannot approve, and I never shall approve. From such notions preserve your selves: attach yourselves to nothing out what is positive. I do not want learned men; I want only loyal and good subjects, and it is your part to form them. He who serves will instruct according to my orders; and whoever feels himself incapable of that and embraces novel ideas, had better depart, or I shall myself remove him." So much for theory; in practice, this august personage has followed up the great principles therein laid down. He has not only abolished two Lancasterian schools of five hundred boys each, in Milan; but has published a decree, abolishing through the whole of his Italian dominions, the schools established on the new system of speedy instruction !!! repeat it, the attempt is unfair and ungenerousit is equally so to hold out the idea that Mr. Niles or myself have ever contended that impost ought to be wholly abolished. It is as untrue, that either of us have ever advocated an excise on any thing which is worn or eaten in a house, or have ever proposed excise as an extensive system of revenue. Following the principles laid down by the committee on manufactures, we have endeavored to convince the people that the revenue should be derived from both sources-part impost, part excise. Messrs. Gales and Seaton, afraid to meet us, are artfully endeavoring to change the ground of contest by affecting to combat a system never proposed, as well as arguments never urged; for I admit it would be as unjust to impose an excise on every thing as it is to impose it on nothing. There is a middle course at which my efforts have been directed, and until Messrs. Gales and Seaton will attack the principles on which it has been brought forward, they will be left to the quiet enjoyment of their own phantasies-the projects of their own MEANINGS AND APPLICATIONS.-My first notice of imagination. One or two of their remarks deserve Messrs. Gales and Seaton's remarks were princi- notice-as to the two modes of revenue they obpally to shew the great inconsistencies between serve, "In the first place as regards its expensivethe parts of their article on "the meaning of ness, there is not a reputable merchant in the Unit words"--but it is by no means my object to rest on ed States who will not contract to collect your those parts alone. These gentlemen have taken whole revenue from imports and tonnage, for broad ground, which it is my intention to meet commission of three per cent. while the governwithout taking time to examine minor matters.ment was glad to get the direct tax collected for The matter, and not the men who discuss it, is my fifteen per cent. being just the difference of five to I will not use hard names, but in plain terms aim. Before I take up the subject of revenue we one." must understand the meaning of one word, and deny the truth of every part of this paragraph. that is revenue itself. Messrs, Gales and Seaton Government never paid 15 per cent. for collecting the direct tax: they allowed a discount to the states compound direct taxation with internal revenueopposing direct taxes is beating the wind, for who would assume it, because the government nobody advocates them*-it is not very candid or wanted money and were selling stock at a loss of 25 per cent.-they allowed to the states 15 per cent. *When this article was written, my correspon-for prompt payment, which saved them 10. The dent could not have seen the reply which I address- merchants who had money would lend the United ed to the author of a card in the "Richmond Enqui-States 80 dollars on a certificate of stock for 100: rer" and though I have not advocated direct tax- these advocates and friends of impost were making ation on the scale previously insinuated or suggest-princely fortunes by its depreciation. If government ed by the editors of the "National Intelligencer," I borrowed, they paid more than if they would sell have endeavored to shew the justice and propriety of such a tax as forming a part of a revenue system. But my correspondent has not even hinted at the necessity or expediency of resorting to it--indeed, all that he has said indicates an opposition to its adoption, and he manifestly believes that it can be dispensed with: and, as it was on his remarks that Messrs. Gales and Seaton were commenting, he has managed the subject with the utmost fairness to[ED. REG; wards them, as well as in perfect consistency with the matter of all his own essays. their land-tax in the lump-it was the best bargain they could make--the states lent their money on better terms than individuals; one lent on stock, the other took an assignment of the assessmentbook, and the public saved 10 per cent. This is the truth-let Messrs. Gales and Seaton assert what they will. To put down at once all statements of this kind by a document of a most incontestible character, to enable the public to decide between me and these gentlemen, I call their attention to a paper to be found in page 21, of the statements accompanying the report of the committee on manufactures. Commencing with 1791 and ending with 1819, the expenses of collecting the customs have averaged 4 and 4 per cent-Until 1813, it was never so low as 3 per cent. and has been so but two years since. In 1809 and 1815, the expenses exceeded 6 per cent. 279,000 4 1-2 5 1-2 5 1-2 1817 4,633,000 The difference between revenue accrued and what is actually received, will make some addition to the expenses of collection; hence the expenses of collecting the internal revenue actually received in 1817, are stated by the secretary of the treasury, [*We are here desired to insert parts of some ta- in his report to congress of 18th December 1818, to bles at greater length than it appears to us is nebe 5 8.10 per cent. on the amount paid into the treacessary to exhibit the facts desired. The follow-sury. In the same report, he states the expenses ing brief abstract from the table of the "general of collecting the direct tax to be 6 3-10 per cent. receipts of the United States from 4th March 1789, on the amount paid into the treasury for the same to 30th Sept. 1820" may suffice, (because, as a cu- year. Reader, what do you think of the assertion rious statistical paper and most useful for reference, that the direct tax costs 15 per cent. to collect, we shall soon publish it entire)-to which we have or that the difference between the two modes of You must read added a conspicuous notice of the state of the in- taxation is-"just five to one!" ternal duties for one year, as an example of the rest. these documents-they will give you much information, and render harmless any publications like this The cost of "collecting the customs" was as fol- of Messrs. Gales and Seaton. lows the periods ending on the last day of the years respectively given. per cent. 3.31 6.36 1791 4.81 3.20 5.05 2.99 5.49 6.08 Now, I wish these gentlemen would take the system of internal duties, adopted during the late war, and compare it with impost-to put no fancied cases, but apply their remarks to what has existed and what is now proposed. Till they will do this, they must excuse me from any further notice of their remarks on revenue, except the horns of the dilemma on which they think they have impaled their adversary. They observe-"The writers in the Register appear to us to stand in this predi cament--they must admit, as they have most rigorously contended, that the duties on imposts are less than they ought to be, and of course not sufficiently onerous to the people-or they must admit, as they have just discovered and now insist that they are already too high, and ought not to exist at all." These are the words of the "Intelligencer." I have heard of quibbles and sophisms, but it has been reserved for this occasion to present such bare-faced ones. As this extract is from a paper which assumes a high rank for talents as well as candor, it is worthy of examination. The writer in the Register does contend that impost is oppressive on the people, and be contends that duties on articles which could be made at home ought to be raised--not to render them more onerous, but to bring about the substitution of the domestic for the foreign article-then no impost would be paid, there would be no oppression. Impost is no oppresston if the people do not pay it--when, therefore, a duty on a foreign manufacture is so 1,196 85 high as to prevent its importation, the people do 2,647 34 not pay the duty because the goods are not imported. This is plain sailing. The duties on coarse cottons are 100 per cent. and, but as such goods are chiefly manufactured in the country, the peo5,262,197 12 ple are thus clear of the impost on this article. 3,273,990 96 *The parts inserted in brackets are abstracted by the editor from the official documents. ED. REG. Suppose the duty was 1000 per cent. it would make no difference if none was paid; and yet Messrs. G. and S. would say the oppression on the people was tenfold! This would be true if the im portation was not stopped-here we agree:--but if the importation of any article ceases, the duty paya ble on its importation is not paid. It is no incon- such country-there is no such maxim in trade, sistency to contend that low duties are oppressive which is regulated by want and not friendship:and that high ones will remove the burthen-be- China imports but little-her exports are im cause the importation in the one case is encouraged, mense. in the other case it is checked or prohibited. England imports, we may say, almost nothing exThen the question comes up which is most oner-cept in raw materials; but she exports to all the ous on the people-to be compelled, by a low duty, world-she consumes none of our bread stuffs: we to import what they can make at home, to let their clothe ourselves from her manufactories. raw materials remain useless in the bowels of the In 1819, our exports of domestic produce to the earth, their laborers go unemployed, their provi-British East Indies amounted to 5,600 dollars: we sions rot on their hands-or, by a high duty, to ex-imported from the British East Indies more than clude the foreign article from our market and bring 6,200,000 dollars. In the same year, we exported the domestic into it? This great question is not to China 7,414,000 specie dollars; domestic produce to be settled by pitiful contemptible quibbling,000,000; produce of our fisheries in the Pacific, but by an appeal to facts and experience--(of the 350,000; we imported from China more than facts hereafter.) I think one horn of the dilemma 9,000,000. We exported to England and depenis now turned from the writer in the Register; the dencies 29,740,000 dollars: we imported 45,818,000; reader must see who is impaled on it. As to the balance against us 16,000,000. Let me ask again, other horn, Messrs. Gales and Seaton must permit where did the gentlemen find their maxim? and me to say, that it is utterly untrue that we have where is the evidence of its truth except in their admitted, just discovered, or now insist that they (the own assertion, which is contradicted by all mercanduties) are already too high and ought not to exist at tile experience, by the history of commerce, the all. Impost, as an extensive source of revenue, is laws of trade, and treasury documents. But the one thing-but imposts to exclude a foreign article authority which cannot be disputed by Messrs. G. is a very different one. Low impost effects one ob- and S. is the "National Intelligencer," of 9th June: ject, high impost the other. In raising the impost "In ten years our manufactures will turn the balance or duty the revenue is unpaid; if the quantity im- of trade and the rate of exchange as much in our ported is lessened in a ratio greater than the in- favor with England, as it is now against us-That crease of duty, impost may cease to operate at all Great Britain will find us competitors in some new for revenue and be efficient only for the protection markets, and in fifty years our redundant manufacof domestic industry. Reader, you see the differ- tures will find their way to every nook of the habience-if Messrs. Gales and Seaton cannot or will table globe where a white man can penetrate." not, I shall leave them not impaled, but dozing, Ah, gentlemen, will manufactures do this?-then we on the horns of a dilemma of their own creation shall bave exports! Pray, what shall we then import! Hoping that every man who has read the last if we can supply all the world, we surely can supRegister will remember the questions put to and ply ourselves;-and, gentlemen, we shall want ships the answers given by the New York Mercantile So-to export our manufactures-so you must not burn ciety, I shall have little trouble with facts in ex- them in your grand estuary! These ships must have amining the positions of Messrs. Gales and Seaton. seamen-you must not issue your ne exeat—and, The answers to the 8th and 9th questions shew finally, permit me to say that it will not answer that when they are protected by a high duty, do- your purposes, it will not satisfy the nation, for you mestic articles are cheaper and better than import- to abandon argument, disregard facts, and indulge ed. If this is objected to as a document procured in a tirade such as is contained in the latter part of by the committee on manufactures, we will refer your article. The operation of systems of revenue, to the book so highly recommended by Mr. Gar- as well as the principles of political economy, are nett. Cottons-coarse cottons, are protected by now well understood; the people expect candor a duty of 100 percent.-what is the consequence? and good temper in the discussion-the subject has Mr. Cambreleng in his book, pages 45, 46, says come home to the interest of every man in the "Cotton shirtings cost in England in 1820, 183 union; a great practical evil has befallen us all-one cents a yard-manufactured in the United States of no temporary nature, but which must increase 13"-the difference 53 cents a yard: this fact with every year of peace: a strong sentiment is ought to be stated in every paper and be a thousand pervading the nation, growing with our calamities times repeated. Will Messrs. Gales and Seaton and forced on us by the universal pressure. The deny it? Let them do so if they choose, but till necessity of encouraging our home productions is they do deny it they must be cautious how they say now apparent to the farmer, the merchant, not less that an increase of duty on the foreign is an in- than the mechanic. Commerce is anxiously lookcrease of the price of the domestic article. But ing for new sources of employment-those engaged they say "if we cease to import we cease to export." in its pursuits can discern the track; they have only Pray gentlemen, where did you find this maxim--to sacrifice their preconceived opinions, to be goit was not learned from merchants. The New York chamber of commerce, by William Bayard, declares "that the want of our provisions is the only srcurity we now enjoy for their admission into foreign ports"--The New York Mercantile Society say of the new tariff,-"We think generally, it will My labors are nearly done, for I find my opponot be prejudicial to commerce; it would not dimi-nents arguing to the facts advanced as well as the nish the value of any article of domestic produce principles resulting from them. The editors of the exported; the price of our articles abroad and the Intelligencer, in their paper of the 7th ult. admit demand for them is regulated by the wants of "That if an European nation doubles its duties on the other nations, and not by what we in return re-import of our products, it is fair to mete to her the same ceive from them." No merchant will contradict this. Has this rule been deduced from the history of commerce-if So, let the country be pointed out which limits its exports by its imports; there is no verned by their own convictions, which tell them there is but one source of relief to any of the great interests of the country-the encouragement and final success of our manufactures: this alone is wanting to cure all the sores of the land. measure which she metes to us. We would be unjust to ourselves not to do it." This is the great principle for which the committee of manufactures have contended-it is the basis of their report, and the ground taken by the advocates of the new tariff in in passing a false quotation as genuine, than in passdebate. All Europe excludes our principal products, ing counterfeit paper. The principal difference is, except cotton and tobacco-these are received from that one deceives the mind, the other the pocketnecessity; they cannot procure them elsewhere: in both cases falsehoods are passed for truth. When the friends of manufactures urge the sound rule committed by the editor of a paper, the publishing laid down by Messrs. G. and S.-mete to them the a counterfeited quotation is worse than a coun same measure they mete to us; it is unjust to the terfeited dollar: one deceives the community, the nation not to do it. Congress has not meted that other only one individual in it. Whoever then measure; they will not meet duty by duty, prohi-says, that, "as for the writer in Niles' Register, whobition by prohibition-they have been and are still ever he may be, who is pleased to describe us as traiunjust to their constituents; they suffer the markets tors for suggesting that the proposed revision of of the people to be dependent on foreign govern- the tariff is a question the decision of which may ments, and will not enforce reciprocity. If Euro-mainly depend upon future vicissitudes of human pean nations will admit our produce on the same affairs abroad, we do not consider ourselves bound terms we admit theirs, or congress impose on their even to read what he has so churitably and shrewdly produce the same duties which their governments indicted," must expect to be reminded of the conimpose on ours, the friends of national industry will sequence of false quotations and groundless impuask no more. When congress will have established tations. To such men, my advice is not to enter into this rule, the nation will be satisfied. This has been this controversy unless they can do it with calmthe great object of all my labors--to bring about ness-to make no quotations from domestic pro this result has been the great effort of our friends ductions, and especially as to Niles' Register, and in congress. Were I a member of that body and the writers for it-let them alone, let them regulate could feel myself the representative of the manu themselves, or quote them truly; expose them to the facturing interest, I would ask no more, and aban-people as they are, but do not create a species of don the cause itself if its friends were not satisfied. In the station I am, I would devote the same time and labor to convince the people that this would be protection enough, as I have already done to show them that this much was indispensable. If the committee of manufactures should ask more, they should hear from me with the same freedom as the Boston committee have done-but let it be remembered, that to do less would be, in the language of Messrs. G. and S. "unjust to ourselves." Let this be the point of union among us to mete to other nations the same measure they mete to us. This sentiment can be opposed by no American. non-descripts, non-existents, for the pleasure of hunting them down. The reader will pardon me for this digression-he must not expect me to be able to pursue the "even tenor of my way" without noticing some of the objects which cross my path-not for their intrin sic importance, but from respect to myself. I call no man a traitor because he differs from me on any subject-it is unworthy of any one who professes to write for public information; it is unworthy of the highly reputed editor of the Register, who thinks my doggrel productions worthy of being recorded in the most useful paper in the union: and, when any man pretending to quote me, dares to say that, the writer in Niles' Register is pleased to describe him as a traitor," it is due to myself, to Mr. Niles and the reputation of his paper, for me to dare to say, it is not true-you quote me falsely; you are passing on the public a counterfeit quotation, and that not for the first time. The Slave Trade. I am happy to find that Messrs. G. and S. in becoming the apologists for Mr. Walsh, have chosen to adopt this definition of "foreign vicissitudes." Mr. Walsh, no doubt, meant foreign events-such as wars and revolutions: if, however, he alluded only to foreign laws, if these were the "vicissitudes" and the classical critic will agree to this meaning, then is there, indeed, some small hope of a termination to The usual length of my essays having been exthis controversy by the rare coincidence in senti-ceeded, I must defer for another the conclusion of ment between Messrs. Walsh, G. & S. and Niles' cor- my notice of Messrs. Gales and Seaton's remarks. respondent. There seems, however, some room to [Communicated. fear that Mr. Walsh will not agree that his new allies shall become his interpreters-his paper of the 11th July does not thank them very courteously for their defence against the "doggrel writer in Niles' Week- A discussion took place on the 25th of June last ly Register," and Mr. W. seems to have lost his in the British house of lords, on the subject of the temper too much for me to venture upon any com- foreign slave trade, when the marquis of Lansdown ments on his eulogy upon Jeremy Bentham's let- took occasion to remark, that there was but one ters on political economy, which seem to me to have voice in all the governments to whom the subject no other merit than their being of foreign manu- had been presented, with the exception of Portu facture. It seems dangerous, indeed, to use this gal, that the trade should be put an end to; but word foreign. Messrs. Gales and Seaton say I called that, with the single exception of the United States the language of Mr. Walsh almost traitorous, and of America, they had all failed to carry their engageMr. W. himself says I have described him as a traitor.ments into effect. His lordship added some very Really, this is manufacturing with a vengeance-no singular instances of departure, on the part of such expression caïne from my pen, no such thought France, from its pledged faith.* One case was that was in my mind. These printers seem determined of the Jeune Estelle. When that vessel was overto invent an apology for their invectives-my tem- taken by a British cruiser, and when the captain per cannot be ruffled, they may amuse themselves perceived that the zeal and activity of sir George and their readers as they please-no body calls Collier would render it impossible for him to escape them traitors; they may call themselves by any the punishment which awaited his offence, a numname they think proper, may raise clamors against ber of the unfortunate negroes were thrown overthemselves for the pleasure of refuting them-but board in casks. These casks were said to have been they must not quote their language as mine. One of these printers must recollect that it is not much He stated that 60,000 slaves had been transmore pleasant to the feelings, or much more reported from Africa to the West Indies, under the putable in a moral point of view, to be detected French flag, in one year! thrown overboard to lighten the ship, and the hor rid nature of the transaction would never have been known, had it not been for the vigilance of one of the British sailors who boarded the Jeune Estelle. This sailor, on striking a cask, heard a faint voice issue from it. The cask was opened, and two negro giris, of about twelve or fourteen years of age, were found crammed in it, and almost expiring from suf. focation. It then struck every one of the British sailors with horror, especially when they recollect. ed the casks they had seen floating from the ship, the contents of which were now no longer doubtful. The following are the resolutions respecting the slave trade, introduced by Mr. Wilberforce, and agreed to by the house of commons, and on which a bill was ordered to be brought in: "1. That the whole of the proceeds of vessels and cargoes belonging to the subjects of the kings of Spain, Portugal, or the Netherlands, respectively, captured for being engaged in illicit traffic in slaves, in violation of the conventions made with those states, may be allowed by the lords commissioners of his majesty's treasury, to the captors thereof, in all cases in which such proceeds have been actually distributed among such captors. "2. That a moiety of the proceeds of vessels and cargoes belonging to the subjects of the kings of Spain, Portugal, or the Netherlands, respectively, captured for being engaged in illicit traffic in slaves, in violation of the conventions made with those states, be granted or allowed by the lords commissioners of his majesty's treasury to the captors thereof, in all cases in which such proceeds have not been already distributed among such cap. tors. "S. A bounty of 101. for every slave forfeited as being found on board of vessels belonging to the subjects of the kings of Spain, Portugal, or the Netherlands, respectively, captured for being engaged in illicit traffic in slaves, in violation of the conventions made with those states, be allowed to the captors of such vessels." Qu the same occasion it was remarked by Mr. Wilberforce, after animadverting upon the conduct of France, Portugal and other countries, in relation to the subject: "That we contemplate with far different feelings the conduct of the United States of America. Not only have their cruizers been actively employed in co-operation with our own in suppressing the slave trade on the coast of Africa, but an act has been passed by congress, which places the slave trade in the list of piracies, and subjects to capital punishment, all citizens of the United States who shall be found to engage in it. That, in witnessing the conduct of the legislature of the United States on this occasion, we are led to reflect with grateful exultation on our common origin, and on those common laws and institutions, whose liberal spirit has prompted our American brethren to be among the very foremost in thus stamping on a traffic in the persons of our fellow creatures, its just character and designation; and we cannot but express our earnest hopes, that not only we ourselves shall speedily follow so honorable an example, but that the day is not far distant when, by the general concurrence of all civilized nations, this detestable traffic shall be pronounced to be piratical, to be an offence against all human kind, which all are entitled and bound by duty to suppress. "That, from the gratifying contemplation of the zeal manifested by the United States to promote the cause of humanity, we turn with feelings of the most painful disappointment to France, by some of whose subjects the slave trade has been for some time carried on to an unprecedented extent, along the whole range of the western coasts of Africa; and whose flag not only protects her own subjects in their criminal enterprizes, but serves to protect the subjects also of other powers who engage in this commerce, but who are prevented by the vigi lance of British cruizers from finding any shelter under the flags of their own countries." Singular Law-case. At a late court held before Mr. Justice Yates, at Buffalo, N. Y. Soonon gize, commonly called Tommy Jemmy, the Seneca chief, was tried for the murder of a squaw, who was accused of witchcraft. The “Republican Press" states, that, by his counsel, he put in a plea to the jurisdiction of the court, in substance as follows: "That long before the settlement of the late colony of New-York, and long before the state of New. York became a sovereign and independent state, the Seneca nation of Indians was a free and independent nation, possessing and exercising the rights and powers of sovereignty, among which they had hitherto always possessed and exercised, and still possess and lawfully exercise the exclusive right to try and punish members of their own nation, for offences committed against other members of the nation within their territory, and particularly for the crime of murder as aforesaid committed; which offences were exclusively cognizable by the chiefs, sachems and principal warriors of the nation, from time to time assembled. The plea then set forth that the prisoner and the deceased were and always had been members of the nation, and that the of fence stated in the indictment was committed within the territory belonging to the Senecas, and concluded in the usual form, with a prayer whether the court of Oyer and Terminer could or woula take any further cognizance of the matter." The district attorney denied the facts in his plea, and tendered an issue to the country, in which the prisoner joined, and a jury was sworn to try the same. Several witnesses, among whom was the celebrated Red Jacket, gave testimony to support the prisoner's plea. The jury, by their verdict, returned that the allegations contained in the prisoner's plea are true. A motion was made to arrest judgment, and the whole proceedings will be brought before the supreme court next month at Albany for its decision." One of the editors of the Albany Argus was present at this trial, and gives the following amusing particulars that occurred. The woman had been regularly tried and condemned as a witch, and the Indians contended that the alleged murderer acted as a minister of justice, in compliance with the law established from time immemorial. "The ridicule which this doctrine [of witchcraft] excited among those to whom it was promulged, was warmly re sented by the chiefs and warriors; and the famous Red Jacket, upon being told of the absurdity of a belief in witchcraft, indignantly exclaimed, “What! do you denounce us as fools and bigots, because we still continue to believe that which you yourselves, sedulously inculcated two centuries ago? Your divines have thundered this doctrine from the pul pit-your judges have pronounced it from the bench-your courts of justice have sanctioned it with the formalities of law—and you would now punish our unfortunate brother for adherence to the superstitions of his fathers! Go to Salem! Look at the records of your government, and you will |