Imágenes de página
PDF
ePub

for several days in his room, and would admit nobody. There came to him Lucas Edemberger, tutor to John Ernest, the Elector's brother, with several other young men skilled in music. They knocked at the door of his study, and, receiving no answer, at last broke it open. Luther was lying in a swoon when they entered; but, in their society, he recovered, not so much by the use of food or medicine, as by the performance of some pieces of music.

On another occasion he writes to one of his friends:

"There is no doubt that the seeds of many virtues exist in the disposition of those who are fond of music; but those who are not affected by it I hold as stocks and stones. For we know that music is obnoxious to the devil, and intolerable to him. I am, therefore, entirely for it, and am not ashamed to assert, that, next to theology, there is no art which can compare with music, since it alone, next to theology, does what otherwise theology only could do, viz. it gives peace and cheerfulness, a clear proof that the devil, who is the author of sad cares, and all uneasy fears, flies almost as much from music and its sounds, as from the word of God. Hence the prophets made not so much use of any art as music, since they did not connect their theology with geometry, arithmetic, or astronomy, with music, so that divinity and music were placed together, since they taught the truth in psalms and hymns. But why should I attempt to praise music in so narrow a compass, and why will I describe, or rather deform, so great an object? But my disposition to it excites me so strongly to that, which has often refreshed me, and driven great depression from me."

but

It was chiefly on account of the anecdotes connected with them that we have extracted the preceding passages: for Luther's predilection for music, and his high opinion of its merits, in a moral point of view, might have been sufficiently proved by a reference to his "Eulogium of Music," which is preserved in Latin by his friend Melancthon, * and in German by Förkel, although it is doubtful in which of these languages it was originally written. It is altogether a curious production.

Luther's love of music, and especially

P. Melancthon, Declamationes, 4to, Argentorat. p. 768.-P. Melancthon Prafationes, Argent. 1558. T. II. p. 252.

+ Forkel's Geschichte der Musik, T. II.

p. 76.

of the music of the Romish church, in which he had been so well instructed, and from which he had received so much delight in his early years, led him to retain as much of it as he could. He was displeased with those who were for setting aside all ceremonies of the Papal church; and on many occasions describes it as a beautiful and magnificent service. "In the first place," says Luther, "we declare that we never meant to abolish all external forms of worship, but to purge that which has hitherto been used, though with many additions, and to show what was the true Christian usage."

66

"I condemn no ceremonies," says he, in a letter to Probst, pastor of Kiel, except those which are at variance with the gospel. Therefore we retain the mass in its usual garments and ceremonies, except that the singing is German, and that the words of the blessing are said in German, instead of the Canon. Also, I will not have the Latin mass abolished, and would not have admitted the German mass, if I had not been compelled to it. In short, I hate none more than those who disturb innocent and free ceremonies, and convert permission into compulsion." And, in a work upon the German mass, he expresses himself still more strongly. (the Latin mass) I will not have abolished or changed; but, as it has hitherto been retained by us, it shall still be free to use it, when or where we please, as circumstances require; for I will in no way have the Latin tongue disused in church service, for I am much concerned about the youth. And, if I could, and if the Greek and Hebrew tongues had as fine music and hymns as the Latin has, mass should be performed, sung, and read, Sunday about, in all the four languages, German, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew." He also orders the Latin mass to be retained until we shall have

This

German hymns enough; and he was a great enemy to singing a literal German translation to the Latin melodies.

"Once," says Mathesius, "on Easter, he came to the church at Eisenberg, and, as they were singing the Introitus in the German language, to the Latin melody, he made horrible faces. When he came home, his landlord asked him what was the matter with him? I thought,' said he, a

cold sweat would have come over me (eine kalte Pese wird mir ankommen) with their insipid singing. If people will sing in German, let them sing good German melodies; but, if they will sing Latin, as scholars should do, let them keep the old chaunts and the text stript of its errors; better cannot be."

In speaking of the funeral hymns of the Papists, he says, The song and notes are precious, 'twere pity they were abolished; but the text or words are unchristian, they should be abolished." These quotations, which could be multiplied to a great extent, are sufficient to show that Luther was partial to the music of the Roman Catholic service, and that this partiality disposed him to retain even the Latin text where it suited his opinions, rather than permit the "excellent, glorious music" to be discontinued.

(To be concluded in our next.)

AN ACCOUNT OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONVENTION OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE ROYAL BURGHS, CONCERNING A VISITATION TO BE MADE, AND ACCOUNTS TAKEN OF THE STATE AND CONDITION OF THE SEVERAL BURGHS REPRESENTED BY THEM.

[The following article is transcribed from a miscellaneous manuscript collection of papers, illustrative of the history of Scotland. The accounts of the other burghs will follow as we can make room for them. At the end of the paper there is the following note: "The preceding account of the burghs was collected by Mr William Maitland, author of the Histories of London, Edinburgh," &c. It would be curious and instructive to compare the present funds and expenditure of these towns with what they were at the period under consideration, and we should feel obliged to any of our correspondents who might furnish us with the means of doing so in even a single instance.]

IN the general Convention of Burghs, holden at the Burgh of Edinburgh, upon the 9th day of July 1691 years, by the Commissioners of Burghs therein convened,

The which day, the Convention, taking to their serious consideration, that there are many complaints given into the respective general conventions of burghs, thir several years bypast, by many particular burghs, yea uni

versalie by the whole royal burghs, complaining of their poverty, want and decay of trade, and that they are not rightlie adjusted in the tax-roll as to the quota and proportion of burden; and considering that ther has been severall remedies proposed, yet non has been received with that universal satisfaction, as a general search and inquiry to be made into the condition and state of every burgh, as to ther trade and common good, by a visitation to be made over the whole royal burghs, which, although not practised formerly, yet it's thought to be the most just and equal way how to adjust the tax-roll, if impartially gon about-Therfor the convention ordains every particular royal burgh within the kingdom to be visited as to the trade and common good, conform to the instructions, and, for that effect, appoints and nominates four visitors, viz. James Fletcher, commissioner for the burgh of Dundie, and Alexander Walker, commissioner for the burgh of Aberdeen; John Mure, commissioner for the burgh of Air, and James Smollet, commissioner for the burgh of Dumbartown; and that the commissioners for the burghs of Dundie and Aberdeen shall visit the south burghs royal of the kingdom, and the saids commissioners for the burghs of Air and Dumbartown to visit the north royal burghs of the said kingdom, and that according to the divisions to be made in their respective circuits, as the saids commissioners can best agree amongst themselves; and ordains the saids commissioners to begin their journeys in ther respective circuits and divisions betwixt this and the day of excepting always forth of this visitation the burghs of Kirkwall in Orkney, Week in Caithness, Inverary in Argyllshire, and Rothsay in Boot, because of the difficulty of access to these places; and the convention, considering that the charges and expenss of the said visitation ought, in justice and equity, to be made upon the common charges of the burghs, and that the samen ought to be such as is suitable for the burghs to grant, and the commissioners to receive, therefor they ordane the agent to the saids four commissioners the soume of two hundred pounds sterling, declaring, that, if the saids commissioners shall happen to be superexpendit in more than

the said two hundred pounds sterling, that the burghs will reimburse them of the samen, upon ther own simple declaration and word of honours. Follow the instructions to the visitors.

1. That the visitors take an exact accompt, to be given in by the magistrates and town-clerk, of every particular burgh of ther common-good and debts, upon oath, and the magistrates and town-clerk to subscrive the same. 2. That the magistrates and townclerk produce ane exact accompt, in the termes foresaid, of all the mortifications belonging to the town-council, or gildry, or trades thereof, and that the saids visitors are to consider the mortifications, so far as they only are employed to ease the burghs of public burdens and taxes laid on the same. 3. The visitors appoynted for the south royal burghs of this kingdom, that, in ther circuits, they call for the measures kept by Jedburgh, to see if they be conform to the standart. 4. The visitors of the royal burghs to take inquirie, that, when they come to the burghs of Stirling, Lithgow, Hadingtowne, Banff, and

burghs, whether the burgesses of these burghs lye under ane absolut necessity of loading and unloading at unfree burghs, to the effect, that, if it appear that they lye under ane impossibilitie to load and unload at free ports, that then they may have a particular dispensation to load and unload at unfree ports. 5. That the magistrates and town-clerk produce to the saids visitors the thesaurer's accompts, æquies, five or more years backwards, upon the termes forsaids. 6. In all burghs, that they take exact tryal into the trade, both forraigne and inland, and particularly of the wines, and of the vent and consumption of malt, for five years backward. 7. That they take ane accompt of what ships, barks, boats, and ferry-boats, they have belonging to them, the names of the said ships, ther burden, and value of each of them, and how employed, and by whom. S. They are also to take an accompt of what ships they are owners of or partners in, out of ther own burghs, as well as in the same, and this to be given account of, conform to their oath of knowledge; and how far they are concerned with the burghs of regalities and baronies in the matter of trade. 9. That they take particular notice

how far ther cess is payed, whether out of the common-good, or by taxation on the burgh. 10. To take exact account of ther ministers' stipends, schoolmasters, precentors, and all other public servants, what it is, and how payed, whether out of any mortification, or out of the town's commongood, or by taxation upon the people, or teinds of the parish. 11. To take exact notice how ther public works are maintained, and out of what funds, such as churches, hospitals, bridges, harbours, and the lyke. 12. They are to take exact inspection of the case of the houses of the town, and how they are inhabited, and what rents they may be of, and of what rait houses inhabited by strangers are. 13. To take an exact accompt how many fairs and publick mercats each burgh has yearly, and of how long indurance, and what the intrinsick value or importance the same may be of. 14. That the visitors of the royal burghs, in their circuit of visitation, take information from the magistrates of the royal burghs of the state and condition of the regalities, baronies, and other unfree burghs within their respective precincts, as to their trade, common good, and condition of ther houses and inhabitants of the unfree burghs, and that the saids informations be given in by the saids magistrates to the visitors, during the time they stay within the burgh. 15. That the visitors take ane exact accompt, and tryall of everie thing else that occurs to them relating to the condition of the respective burghs whom they shall visit. The better to inforce the several burghs to a compliance with and obedience to the act aforesaid, the Convention strictly enjoined them to concur with the said visitors, and to give full and clear answer to as many of the above instructions and queries as concerned each of them, under the pain of being deemed ungratefull to the state of the burghs, and considered as places of eminence, and as such be represented to the approaching Convention at the making up of the tax-roll. But answers to the said instructions or queries being readily and cheerfully made by the several burghs to the said visitors, they delivered the same to the Convention held at Dundee in the year 1692, and by the Convention held at Aberdeen, anno 1699, they were or

[merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

By the grass of the Greyfriars
Churchyard

2333 6 8

166 13 4

[blocks in formation]

To certain of the above instructions delivered to the visitors, the magistrates and town clerk returned the following answers upon oath. To the 1st, That the common good of the said burgh (Edinburgh) will extend to, communibus annis, the soumme of eighty-five thousand, four hundreth and sixty-four pounds, eleven shillings, nyne pennies; and that the debts amounts to seven hundreth, seventyone thousand pounds Scots, of principal soumme. To the 6th and 12th, concerning the consumption of wine and malt, and the rental and condition of their houses, the said magistrates declare, that they had delivered to the said visitors plain accounts thereof, but they being either mislaid or lost, I give no account of them. To the 13th instruction, they declare, that they have 2 yearly fairs of 8 days continuancy each, the emoluments whereof are given to the town's officers; and to the 14th, declare, that the burghs of barony and regality within their district, are those of Dalkeith, Musselburgh, and Fisherow, whose trade is well known, but Dalkeith is supposed to have more than the other two.

By the fore moor

By the back moor

By Bonington mills

By the Burrow loch

By the fleshers of Edinburgh

By the South Links of Leith, and house there

By the inclosures of the church

of South Leith

By the Gallow Green
By the College and church

rents

60 0 0 33 6 8 933 6 8 800 0 0 200 0 0

203 6

30 0 0
72 0

LETTERS FROM ITALY.

(Continued from p. 15. No. for Jan.)

Florence, 5th January 1818. I AM at present (9 o'clock evening) almost deafened with the diabolical 8 noise that fills the city of Florence, on account of the Befana, which is a remnant of the ancient Bacchanalian festivals. We have read of the tumultuary nature of the festivals of Bacchus, and I assure you that the Florentines keep up the uproarious reputation of these 700 0 0 orgies. The people seem to be all mad. I went out to see the processions of these bedlamites about eight Carry up L. 83,542 15 3 o'clock this evening. The men and

By the feu-duties of the Ca-`

nongate

Do.

of Leith

Do.

of Portsburgh

5264 1 11

boys in the streets were armed with glass trumpets, in blowing which they exerted the whole energy of their lungs with a most surprising degree of constancy; blazing torches were moving about the streets, or tossing in the air. I stood in the piazza del Duomo, to see the great procession, and by and by the blaze of torchlight, and the clattering of horses' feet, and the shouts of the people issuing from the via dei Banchi, announced the approach of the Befana. Befana is applied to those puppets that women and children put into the windows on the day of Epiphany, (or Befana,) and also signifies the Spectre, either good or bad, which, according to childish people, comes into the houses by the chimneys the night before Epiphany; thence the children hang their shoes in the chimney, in order that the Befana or Spectre may fill them with good or bad things, according as the owners of the shoes behaved well or ill. First came a number of people running about distract edly with torches in their hands, which they waved about and tossed into the air from time to time, while a hideous din was made by others with their glass trumpets; then came a car drawn by horses or mules, I cannot tell which, for the animals were oddly dressed like their masters, and filled with musicians, who sung before the great car, which contained a sort of pyramid of people in fantastic dresses, surmounted by a winged horse, intended for Pegasus no doubt, made of heaven knows what. Beside which stood a man dressed in the ancient costume, with a lyre in his hand. This gentleman was intended to represent Dan Apollo, as the old English Poets used familiarly to call that celebrated personage. Then came another car filled with instrumental musicians. Besides the people in the cars, there were many others on horseback, or mule-back. All were very showily and singularly dressed, and seemed to have laid aside their senses for the evening. I saw this Befana pass again through the piazza Della Santa Maria Novella; and while coming along the Lung'arno homewards, another Befana of a more humorous nature passed by me. This second Befana was carried on the top of a long pole, by a number of people with

torches and trumpets, and represented the figure of a fat dame, as large as life, with a jolly visage and staring black eyes, dressed all Italiana. There were no masks, because il carnovale does not begin until the day after to morrow, and people are not permit ted to run about with masks on, excepting during that period of madness and confusion. These processions move through the city the whole night, or at least until the volatile spirits of the Italians that compose them are quite exhausted. Then they go to refresh themselves by eat ing and drinking, and generally get all intoxicated. How truly has it been said that men are but children of a larger growth; and yet perhaps one half of the true savoir vivre con sists in being easily amused and easily pleased. The other day I remarked to an Italian the want of serious reflec tion in the generality of mankind. He shrugged his shoulders, and said, “Eh! che volete, vorreste voi amareggiare la vita coi pensieri inutili? Benchè non possiamo prevenire ni la sorte ni la morte, dovremmo godere allegramente tutte le vaghezze del mondo;"* so think the Italians and the French. Among them you find none of those long dismal faces so common in northern climates, where people think too much, not on what has happened, but about what may happen. A Frenchman, and more especially an Italian, bears the loss of his friends or his fortune with the best grace imaginable, and endeavours to supply the loss as fast as he can, without ever thinking of sitting down to ruminate upon his misfortunes, or of considering the best means of putting an end to his existence. The uncommon vivacity and cheerfulness of the Italians, is the result of climate and temperament, and we all know how much these two circumstances influence men's minds and manners. In Italy the sun, the earth, the air, are full of poetical inspiration, not only from classical associations, but also, and chiefly, from their natural effect upon the animal

* Eh! what would you have? Would you embitter life by useless reflections? Since we cannot prevent misfortune or death, we ought to enjoy cheerfully all the pleasures of the world.

« AnteriorContinuar »