neral Confent, entirely altered the whole Frame of their Government. Nor do I find the Proceedings of either, in this Point, to have been condemned by any Hiftorian of the fucceeding Ages.

BUT a great deal hath been already faid by other Writers, upon this invidious and beaten Subject; therefore I fhall let it fall; although the Point be commonly mistaken, especially by the Lawyers; who of all other Profeffions seem least to understand the Nature of Government in general; like Underworkmen, who are expert enough at making a fingle Wheel in a Clock, but are utterly ignorant how to adjust the several Parts, or to regulate the Movement.

To return therefore from this Digreffion: It is a Church-of-England Man's Opinion, that the Freedom of a Nation confifts in an abfolute unlimited legislative Power, wherein the whole Body of the People are fairly reprefented; and in an executive duly limited: Because on this Side likewise, there may be dangerous Degrees, and a very ill Extream. For when two Parties in a State are pretty equal

Power, Pretenfions, Merit, and Virtue, (for thefe two laft are, with relation to Parties and a Court, quite different Things,) it hath been the Opinion of the best Writers upon Government, that a Prince ought not in any fort to be under the Guidance, or Influence of either; because he declines, by this Means, from his Office of prefiding over the Whole, to be the Head of a Party; which, befides the Indignity, renders him answerable for all publick Mismanagements, and the Confequences of them: And in whatever State this happens, there muft either be a Weakness in the Prince or Ministry, or elfe the former is too much restrained by the Nobles, or thofe who reprefent the People. Το

To conclude: A Church-of-England Man may with Prudence and a good Confcience approve the profeffed Principles of one Party more than the other, according as he thinks they best promote the Good of Church and State; but he will never be swayed by Paffion or Intereft to advance an Opinion meerly because it is That of the Party he moft approves; which one fingle Principle he looks upon as the Root of all our civil Animofities. To enter into a Party as into an Order of Fryars, with fo refigned an Obedience to Superiors, is very unfuitable both with the civil and religious Liberties, we fo zealously affert. Thus the Underftandings of a whole Senate are often enslaved by three or four Leaders on each Side; who instead of intending the publick Weal, have their Hearts wholly fet upon Ways and Means how to get, or to keep Employments. But to speak more at large; how has this Spirit of Faction mingled it felf with the Mafs of the People, changed their Nature and Manners, and the very Genius of the Nation? Broke all the Laws of Charity, Neighbourhood, Alliance and Hospitality; destroyed all Ties of Friendship, and divided Families against themselves? And no Wonder it fhould be fo, when in order to find out the Character of a Perfon; inftead of enquiring whether he be a Man of Virtue, Honour, Piety, Wit, good Senfe, or Learning; the modern Question is only, Whether he be a Whig or a Tory; under which Terms all good and ill Qualities are included.

Now, because it is a Point of Difficulty to chufe an exact Middle between two ill Extreams; it may be worth enquiring in the present Cafe, which of

thefe

thefe a wife and good Man would rather feem to avoid: Taking therefore their own good and ill Characters with due Abatements and Allowances for Partiality and Paffion; I should think that, in order to preferve the Conftitution entire in the Church and State; whoever hath a true Value for both, would be fure to avoid the Extreams of Whig for the Sake of the former, and the Extreams of Tory on Account of the latter.

I HAVE NOW faid all that I could think convenient upon fo nice a Subject; and find, I have the Ambition common with other Reafoners, to with at leaft, that both Parties may think me in the right, which would be of fome Ufe to those who have any Virtue left, but are blindly drawn into the Extravagancies of either, upon false Representations, to serve the Ambition or Malice of defigning Men, without any Prospect of their own. But if that may not be hoped for; my next Wish should be, that both might think me in the wrong; which I would understand, as an ample Justification of my felf, and a fure Ground to believe, that I have proceeded at least with Impartiality, and perhaps with Truth.

AN

AN

ARGUMENT

To prove, That the

Abolishing of CHRISTIANITY

I N

ENGLAND,

May, as Things now ftand, be at tended with fome Inconveniencies, and perhaps, not produce thofe many good Effects propofed there by.

Written in the YEAR 1708.

AM very fenfible what a Weak nefs and Prefumption it is, to rea fon against the general Humour and Difpofition of the World. I remember it was with great Juftice, and a due Regard to the Freedom both of the Publick and the Prefs, forbidden upon fevere Penalties to write or discourse, or lay Wa

gers®

gers against the Union, even before it was confirmed by Parliament: Because that was looked upon as a Defign to oppose the Current of the People; which befides the Folly of it, is a manifeft Breach of the Fundamental Law, that makes this Majority of Opinion the Voice of God. In like Manner, and for the very fame Reasons, it may perhaps be neither safe nor prudent to argue against the Abolishing of Christianity, at a Juncture when all Parties appear fo unanimously determined upon the Point; as we cannot but allow from their Actions, their Dif courses, and their Writings. However, I know not how, whether from the Affectation of Singularity, or the Perverseness of human Nature; but fo it unhappily falls out, that I cannot be entirely of this Opinion. Nay, although I were fure an Order were iffued out for my immediate Profecution by the Attorney-General; I should still confess, that in the prefent Pofture of our Affairs at home or abroad, I do not yet fee the abfolute Neceffity of extirpating the Chriftian Religion from among us.

THIS perhaps may appear too great a Paradox, even for our wife and paradoxical Age to endure: Therefore I fhall handle it with all Tenderness, and with the utmost Deference to that great and profound Majority, which is of another Sentiment.

AND yet the Curious may please to observe, how much the Genius of a Nation is liable to alter in half an Age: I have heard it affirmed for certain by fome very old People, that the contrary Opinion was even in their Memories as much in Vogue as the other is now; and that a Project for the Abolishing Christianity would then have appeared as fingular, and been thought as abfurd, as it would