I shall not rely much upon it. God preserve yo' solud at any Maties person & prosper yo' designes, soe prayes Yo' sacred Maties Most humble & most obedient servaunt, UXBRIDGE, 5° ffebr: 1644. In the King's hand at the bottom of this Letter: "I should thinke, if in your priuat discourses, (I nowais meane in your publique meetings,) with the London Comissioners, you would put them in mynde that they were arrant Rebelles & that their end must be damnation, ruine, and infamy, except they repented, & founde some way to free themselfes from the damnable way they ar in (this Treaty being the aptest) it might doe good; & cheefly, if Hertford or Southampton would doe it, though I beliue it will haue the owen operation by any of you, well strenthened with arguments: but the more of you that speakes in this dialect the better: This is written not as your Maister but your Frend, C. R. Owld Vulpone is not of my opinion, therfor I am not con. fident concerning this posterip, but refer my selfe to your of the Exche: Office. the Sh. 353: 116: 276: 352: 225: 276: 428: 560. "For yo' sacred Matie " "Yours apostyled." 5-6 febr. 1644. My Ler to ye King apostyled concerning of proceedings in ye Treaty at Uxbridge. The King to Sir Edward Nicholas. OXFORD 8. Feb: 1644.1 Nicholas, as I haue hitherto approued of your proceedings, so I will nott now censure them: since upon the place, you may have founde such reasons as you haue not fully expressed to me: but, to deale freely, I could haue wished, that ye had used more reseruation concerning the Militia: for though I could be content to buy Peace at the rate ye haue sett downe, yet ye might haue reserued something to The points referred to in this Letter require no historical illustration; but the Letter itself is a remarkable document in regard to the private history of the Negotiations at Uxbridge, and is an important illustration of the views and spirit of the King at this juncture. rate: but if they will helpe me in the Militiato purpose, I will assist them for theire Arears. haue beene drawen on by degrees upon debates, weh me thinkes is a more popular way, then coming at first to the height of your concessions, to leaue your selfes nothing but negatiues, in case they should make any aproaches to you: And for the tyme, I should thinke a much shorter tyme than three years were sufficient, to secure the performance of conditions, whereas one cannot tell how any men may be tempted, being so long setled in a manner in the Regall Power, to fynde excuses & delayes for the parting with it, besydes the people being once inewred to that way of gouernement may not be so willing to returne to the owld way, as beliuing it of less subjection than Monarchicall: So I rest Your asseured frend, CHARLES R. If you be pressed to giue a positiue answer concerning Scotland, remember to follow the directions I gaue you in that particular. Indorsed, R. 9° ffebr. 1644. The King to Sir Edward Nicholas. OXFORD 11 Feb. 1644. Nicholas, the directions I gaue you concerning sending to Muntrose, I meane only should extend to those things wch meerly concerne Scotland, so if that wer the only case, it would be no hinderance to you for what concernes the Militia: but I doe not yet conceaue, how I can giue way, that ether of my Kingdomes should haue a hand in the gouernement of the other, without breache of trust to eather: yet in this I doe not so restraine you (so that ye still keepe the number, that I shall nominat, at least equall to the other, & enlarge upon no other points) but leaue it to your discretions what to doe, in case you shall fynde a Peace may be gotten by it: But as for those things weh meerly concerne Scotland, I sticke close to my former order of sending to Muntrose, not being ashamed to auow that I shall be much guyded by what I shall heare from him, & should be much more ashamed to treate in those things, without at least comunicating with him, who hath hazarded so freely and generously for me, Your asseured frend, Indorsed, 11° ffebr. 1644. R. 12. His Maties conc'ning Scotland. CHARLES R. The King to Sir Edward Nicholas. Nicholas, concerning the answers to the King of Denmarke & D: of Courland, Digby shall giue you my directions. As for the draught of the paper for Mondayes conference, I like it well, & for the critesisme I haue made upon it for the change of the tence, is only that ye should seeme to agree con cerning the Militia of Scotland, before that of England were settled: lyking so well what ye haue alreddy done touching that article, that I com❜and you not to vary a jott from the substance of it, unlesse it (be) to enlarge my power, or shorten the tyme: as concerning a safe-conduct for a messenger to Scotland, I meerly intend it for those things, wch only concernes that kingdome: to wch I am still constant, leauing you to your Christian liberty, to what shall reciprocally concerne both; but, by your fauors, I understand not, how any demand can breake off a treaty, indeed insisting upon some, may doe prittely that way. At this tyme I haue no more to say: but, goe not a title lesse concerning Religion & Churche-gouernement, & soe I rest Your asseured friend, The King concerning the Scots being [included] for the Militia of England.. (A FRAGMENT.) OXFORD 17 Feb. 1644. Memoriall for Se: Nicholas concerning the Treaty at Vxbridge. 1. First for Religion & Churche Gouernement, I will not goe one jott further, than what is offered by you alreddy. 2. And so for the Militia, more then what ye haue alowed by me: but, euen in that, ye must observe, that I must haue free nomination of the full halfe; as, if the totall number Scots and all, bee Thirty, I name Fiueteene; yet if they (I meane the Englishe Rebelles) will be so base as to admitt of Ten Scots, to Twenty Englishe, I am content to name Fiue Scots and Tenn English and so proportionably to any nomber that shall be agreede on. 3. As for gaining of particular Persons: besydes Securitie, I giue you power, to promis them Rewards for performed seruices, not sparing to egage (engage) for places, so they be not of great trust, or to be taken away from honnest men in possession: but as much profitt as you will: with this last, you ar only to acquaint Richemond, Southampton, Culpeper, & Hyde. Indorsed, "R 17° febr: 1644. The Kings Memoriall concerning Religion and Militia during ye Treaty at Uxbridge." The King to Prince Rupert. Nepueu, TICKNILL 14 June 1644. First I must congratulate with you, for yo' good successes, assuring you, that the things themselues are no more welcom to me, then that you are the ' Tickenhall, near Bewdley. Whilst Charles was here, he paid a formal visit to Bewdley, the Corporation having previously met to determine upon the mode of receiving the Royal visit. The charges are entered upon the Town Books; and it appears that the sum of two shillings was expended in repairing the Corporation Pew in the Church, and sixpence for sweeping out that sacred edifice; making in all the grand total of two shillings and sixpence sterling. meanes. I know the importance of supplying you with powder, for whch I haue taken all possible wayes, have sent both to Ireland & Bristoll. As from Oxford this bearer is well satisfyd that it is impossible to haue at present, but if he tell you that I may In a very minute account of the King's affairs at this period, written by Sir Edward Walker, Garter King at Arms, and preserved in the Harleian Collection, No. 4229, it is stated that the King arrived at Bewdley on the 12th; after having made that very arduous and judicious retreat from Oxfordshire, in which he evaded the pursuit of both Essex and Waller, by forced marches over the country between Witney and Worcester, along what was afterwards the Cheltenham road. The march upon Bewdley is said by Sir Edward to have been made with the intent of saving Worcester from a siege, of drawing Waller further from London, and also of enticing him into a difficult country, where the King's army, then without artillery or heavy baggage, might obtain considerable advantage over him. Waller, however, avoided the western side of the Severn, and fixed his head-quarters at Bromsgrove, contenting himself with advancing a small body of horse to Kidderminster, the "Foreign" of which town, as it is called, reaches to the eastern end of Bewdley Bridge. The King's foot were all in Bewdley on the 14th, and the horse quartered along the Severn towards Bridgenorth. The King was so much aware of the delicacy of his situa tion at this moment, that on the day preceding the date of the letter in the text, he had formed a Council of War, directing them to meet every day and report their proceedings in respect to forming a plan of retreat, either into Wales or upon Shrewsbury; and on this day the Council and King determined to retreat back to Worcester, and so on to Eves. ham. He was closely followed by Waller; but, immediately after this date, eluded him so far as to reach Daventry before him, and finally he defeated Waller at Cropredy bridge, on the 29th of June. At the date of his letter the King had got intelligence that York was besieged by the Scottish army (just before the battle of Marston Moor), and that the Scots had been also joined by Fairfax and Lord Manchester. This fact explains the military orders given in it, which are perfectly in consonance with the existing accounts of Prince Rupert's conduct previous to that battle. It may be remarked, however, that Bulstrode, as well as others, brings an accusation against Rupert for fighting the Parliamentary forces after raising the siege; but the express words of the King imply a desire not only for the relief of York, but also for a battle with the enemy; else why did he allude to "beating the Rebel armies" as a means of enabling him to spin out time? This is a most |