of his leading measures. To me this was painful, because it much better suits my temper and feelings to be able to support the measures of government than to find myself called upon by duty to oppose them.

Some

"There were occasions, however, in the course of his administration, in which no duty of opposition devolved upon me. of these were not unimportant. There were times which appeared to me to be critical, calling for wisdom and energy on the part of the government, and in which measures proposed and opinions expressed by him seemed to me to be highly suitable to the exigency. On these occasions I supported those measures with the same sincerity and zeal as if I had never differed from him before, or never expected to differ from him again.

"There is no doubt that he sought to distinguish himself by exalting the character and honor of his country, and the occasion on which it was uttered rendered somewhat remarkable his celebrated sentiment in favor of the preservation of the Union. I believe he felt the sentiment with the utmost sincerity, and this can not be denied to be one strong proof of his devotion to the true interests of his country.

"He has now ceased from his earthly labors, and affects the public interests of the state only by his example and the influence of his opinions. We may well suppose that in the last days, and hours, and moments of his life, and with the full consciousness of the change then before him and so near, one of his warmest wishes would be, that whatever errors he might have committed should be passing and transitory in their effect upon the Constitution and institutions of his country; and while we may well ascribe this praiseworthy and benign sentiment to him, let us, with equal ingenuousness, cherish the feeling, that whatever he has accomplished for the real good of the country, its true character and real glory, may remain a just inheritance attached to his memory."

"In person," says one of his biographers, "General Jackson was tall, and remarkably erect and thin. His weight bore no proportion to his height, and his frame in general did not appear fitted for trials such as it had borne. His features were large; his eyes dark blue, with a keen and strong glance; his eyebrows arched and prominent, and his complexion that of the war-worn soldier. His demeanor was easy and gentle: in every station he

was open and accessible to all. The irritability of his temper, which was not denied by his friends, produced contrasts in his manner and countenance leading to very different conceptions and representations as to both; but those who have lived and acted with him bear unanimous testimony to the general mildness of his carriage and the kindness of his disposition. It is certain that he inspired his soldiers, his military household, his domestic circle, and his neighbors with the most affectionate sentiments. The impetuosity of his nature, his impatience of wrong and encroachment, his contempt for meanness, and his tenaciousness of just authority, involved him in bitter altercations and sanguinary duels his resentments were fiercely executed, and his censures rashly uttered; yet he can not be accused of wanton or malicious violence; the sallies which may be deemed intemperate can be traced to strong provocation, operating, in most instances, upon his patriotic zeal, and the very generosity and loftiness of his spirit."

JACOB LEISLER.

THE downfall of Popery in England, occasioned by the flight of King James and the accession of William of Orange, produced a revolution and a hero in New York both of a remarkable nature. It is a fragment of history belonging exclusively to the times, and having no kind of bearing on subsequent events, except that its lesson has been too soon forgot. But it ended in bloodshed, and in the martyrdom of a man whose name will be imperishably recorded in the annals of the country.

When the news of the change of dynasty in England reached New York, it was greeted with approbation by the majority of the inhabitants. Papists who held offices were at once suspended. By this action, and by the common cause of misfortune, they became banded together, and formed a formidable party, all the more dangerous from the fact that the administration under the new government had not yet made its appearance. Fearful rumors were circulated that the Jacobites (as they were called) intended to take summary vengeance on the triumphant Protestants; that they were marching in great force to destroy the city, and generally that they were going to avenge the cause of their fallen master in a savage manner, and regain the authority which had been hastily wrested from them.

In a community not abundantly protected, these rumors and apprehensions were very fearful. The desire for safety suggested to the citizens the propriety of delegating the entire authority of the city to one man, until such time as the new governor appointed by WILLIAM should arrive. The choice fell upon Jacob Leisler, the subject of the present brief sketch.

Of Leisler's early history very little is known. He came before the public at a time when the hard work of his life—the building of a fortune-had been nearly accomplished. Previous to this he had resided in Albany, probably engaged in the fur trade, and where also he discharged the duties of a magistrate. He was known for his opposition to Popery, and for the exercise of all his power to prevent its spread. From Albany he came to

New York, and at once obtained popularity by benevolently purchasing the freedom of a family of French Huguenots, who were so poverty-stricken on landing that a public tribunal decided they should be sold into slavery in order to pay the expenses of their voyage. By these and similar acts Leisler became known, and favorably known, to the little community.

At that time there were five military companies in the city, and a sergeant's guard of royal troops. These were the only organized protectors of the town, and were under the command of Nicholas Bayard, a man who was believed to be favorable to the cause of the late king. Jacob Leisler was captain of one of the companies, and was eminently popular with the men and with his brother officers, excepting, of course, the colonel.

On the 2d of June, 1689, the people of New York, supported by the military companies aforesaid, proceeded to the residence of Leisler, and invited him to place himself at their head. At first he refused, but finally consented. Immediately afterward the keys of the fort were placed in his hands. Alarmed at these proceedings, Lieutenant Governor Nicholson convened his council, and, calling upon all public magistrates to unite with him, he demanded the government money, which, being kept in the fort, was now in possession of Leisler. No attention was of course paid to the demand. The colonel of the military companies also tried what effect his influence would have, but found out in a very short time that the most prudent thing he could do was to look after his own safety. On Leisler's side, four hundred of his companions in arms signed an agreement to hold the fort "for the present Protestant power that reigns in England,” while a committee of safety, composed of ten freeholders of the city, whose names, as they have come down to us, represent in equal ratio the Dutch, the French, and the English population of that early period, assumed the powers of a provisionary government, of which they declared Jacob Leisler to be the head. They appointed him "captain of the fort or citadel," gave him power "to suppress external and internal enemies of the peace, and preserve the order of the Province of New York," to "use the power of authority of commander-in-chief until orders shall have come from their majesties," and to "do all such acts as were requisite for the good of the province, taking council with the militia and civil authority as occasion might require."

Leisler's first act was one of loyalty. He proclaimed King William by sound of trumpet to the rejoicing people. This step provoked immediate action from the other side. The deposed Jacobins appointed three commissioners to receive the revenues until orders should arrive from the king. Leisler proceeded to the Custom-house, where the commissioners held their meetings, and demanded by what right they pretended to act. The only reply they condescended to make was an attempt to forcibly eject Leisler from their presence. Nothing could have been more ill advised. The adherents of the popular cause were naturally incensed at the treatment of their captain. The preparatory demonstrations of a riot began to show themselves. Captain Bayard was set upon, and would have been the first victim of vengeance but for the intercession of Leisler. It became apparent that it would not do to trifle with the people, so Bayard fled to Albany, rather the worse for handling, and Nicholson, the lieutenant governor, obtained safety on shipboard, and, as soon as possible, sailed for England.

When quiet was restored, Leisler made active preparations for the defense of the city, not only against the Papists, but against the French. He established a six-gunned battery commanding the harbor, and thereby secured for the city one of the most pleasant promenades it can boast (the Battery). Having thus attended to the most important duties of his station, he sat down and honestly wrote an account of what he had done to the King of England. He was not much of a scholar, and there were some defects in the style and spelling of his dispatch, but it was straightforward and manly, and told the truth-qualities that are not too often combined in official documents.

To provide against an invasion of French and Indians from Canada, Leisler dispatched his secretary, Colonel Milbourne (who had recently arrived from England), to Albany, with a body of followers. They took their departure in three ships, and arrived in due course. At this time most of the officials at Albany held their commissions from the deposed monarch, and were consequently violently opposed to the administration of Leisler, whom they denounced as a boor, and looked upon as a usurper. The most active among these was Robert Livingston, and by his instigation the citizens of Albany were made to believe that Milbourne and the troops under his command came to invade their rights,

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