ence of opinion there might exist on the conduct of the government, there could be none on the subject to which the noble lord's observation applied. That there were persons who wished to subvert that spirit of loyalty which prevailed through the country, and the existence of which noble lords now acknowledged, he be lieved to be true; but of this he was confident, that there was not in that or the other House of Parliament any persons who thought it their duty to oppose the measures of government, who did not at the same time cherish the most loyal, dutiful, and affectionate attachment to the throne. Neither from the part of the royal Speech to which the noble lords had directed their observations on this subject, nor from the general language in which the noble mover and seconder had expressed themselves, was it clear what was the nature of the addresses to which they alluded. Undoubtedly there never had been a stronger expression of public opinion than that lately made by the people of this country. That their addresses had breathed loyalty and devotion to the king was most true; but it was also true, that the declaration of those sentiments had been accompanied with expressions equally strong of universal disapprobation and of dissatisfaction with regard to the measures of the government. If, therefore, it was intended on this, as he knew it had been on other occasions, to infer from addresses containing expressions of loyalty and attachment to his majesty, an approbation of the conduct of ministers, such an inference was directly contrary to fact, and totally inconsistent with the opinions of the people of England. He could take upon himself to say, that the universal opinion of the country, instead of being favourable to the government, was, that the system should be changed. That no indication of renouncing that system was held out in the Speech, and that no recommendation to that effect appeared in the Address, were circumstances which he had to regret; but he did hope that both their lordships and the members of the other House would see the necessity of compelling his majesty's ministers to recede from the system they had hitherto pursued in the conduct of public affairs, and which now, after six years of peace, had produced only increasing difficulties and distress. Hopes, it was true, of more favourable circumstances were held out in the Speech. It was stated in the Speech from the throne, that the situation of the country was improving. With respect to the revenue, it was stated, that, as compared with that of the preceding year, the amount had increased. It was also stated, that considerable improvement had taken place in several of the most important branches of our trade and manufactures. He most sincerely hoped that these statements might not be found fallacious. He believed some branches of our trade had recovered a little; but if he were to speak from his own opportunities of observation, he must say, that there appeared to him no prospect of general amelioration. In that part of the country with which he was most particularly connected, he had not seen any of those symptoms of improvement which were alluded to. There was one great branch of national prosperity to the state, to which no reference was made in the Speech-he meant agriculture; and in that, he would take upon himself to assert, there had been no improvement. Perhaps the depression was less in some other parts of the country than in that with which he was acquainted; but it was such as to be generally viewed with apprehension and alarm. In this state of things he confessed he could not understand how it was possible that there could be a considerable improvement in several important branches of commerce and manufactures, and an increase of the public revenue; and yet that agriculture, on which all these sources of wealth depended, should be in a state of the greatest decay. It would be necessary for their lordships and the other House of Parliament to consider seriously, in the course of the present session, what was to be done on this important subject. Let it not, however, be believed that he meant to recommend any additional corn laws, for he thought the principle of those laws erroneous; but what he meant to say was, that their lordships must devote to the internal situation of the country the greatest attention and care, if they wished to avoid an increase of the evils they already experienced. He was sorry, however, that he could not say, that he had heard with equal satisfaction what was stated in the Speech upon the events which had occur red in Italy. Nothing was there explained -nothing distinctly stated as to the line which the government had taken with re spect to these important events. Their lordships were left completely in the dark could not at present be prepared to discuss it. In the mean time he must declare his opinion, that ministers had not acted as became the government of this country, if they stood by as indifferent spectators of the dispute regarding Naples; and that they had acted still worse if they had given any encouragement to what was called the "monarchical principle," by which it was pretended that henceforth there should be no improvement in government except what came from thrones; which was plainly saying, that the shackles of despotism should be for ever rivetted on mankind. It would have been much more creditable for mi attack on the rights of nations, than to have been cool spectators or encouragers of it. What excuse could be set up for such conduct? There had been as little violence in the Neapolitan revolution as on a question which it was most important for them to know at the present moment, namely, whether the conduct of ministers with regard to Naples had been such as became the government of a nation which had been raised to greatness by the enjoyment of a free constitution. He must regret that nothing had been stated to satisfy him that the course which justice and true policy dictated had been adopted. The present, he was sensible, was not the moment for discussing this question, but the time would soon come when he hoped their lordships would be put in possession of such facts as would enable them to form an opinion. He could not, however, help expressing his sorrow at finding that ministers to have prevented so atrocious an nisters had not on this occasion taken steps which would have been worthy of the character of the country-that they had not adopted measures which would have put an end to any prospect of hostilities. The apprehension he entertained on this sub-ever occurred in any event of the kind. ject was the stronger, from the recollection of a question relating to Naples, which had last session been put to the noble earl at the head of his majesty's government. Their lordships would recollect that the answer given to that question was by no means satisfactory, because, from what the noble earl then said, it did appear that this country had no accredited minister at the court of Naples. This state of things he believed still continued; so that while the closest bonds of union subsisted between this government and those powers styled the Holy Alliance, with that power which was the object of their threats there was no British minister capable of carrying on the accustomed intercourse between friendly states. From the language of the Speech it might be supposed that this country maintained a state of strict neutrality with respect to Naples. He did not think, however, that strict neutrality was a state which became the character of this country when such a question was at issue-when a sovereign was called before an assembly of despots to answer for his conduct in correcting abuses in the internal government of his country when he saw the arrogance with which those powers, called the Holy Alliance, had summoned the king of Naples to their bar, to account for the free constitution established in his country, he, as a friend of liberty, could not help feeling a strong degree of suspicion on this subject, and expressing that sus picion, though he knew their lordships There had been some lamentable occurrences in Sicily; but there was nothing in the state of Naples threatening to other countries. In short, no reason could be assigned for the attack on Naples, except this--that the members of the Holy Alliance wished to prevent any improve ment in other countries, lest their own subjects should look more narrowly at the abuses under which they suffered, and be thereby induced to require some amelioration of their condition. Engaged by close political ties with the powers now threatening the independance of the Two Sicilies-with the functions of the British minister at Naples suspended-with an Austrian army marching on the frontiers of that kingdom-and with a British squadron riding in the Bay of Naples, and appearing to be acting in concert with the enemies of the new constitution whatever the intentions of ministers might really be, their conduct, under those circumstances, did certainly wear the aspect of giving encouragement to that despotic alliance which had assumed to itself a right of censorship over every other government. He sincerely hoped that peace would not be interrupted; but he was much more anxious that the honour of the country should on this great question be preserved unstained. Would it be said that ministers could not prevent the attack on Naples? Then indeed there would be little reason to boast of the influence they possessed in Europe-an influence which it had been said their splen. did successes had secured-if the com- specting an establishment for her mabined powers could not be withheld or re-jesty: on that subject he hoped the arstrained from their wicked attack by any rangements would be such as justice reremonstrance of this government.-There quired, and as would put an end to the were many other topics which pressed for question in dispute. If such were the inconsideration, but which would be more tentions of his majesty's ministers, he conveniently brought under review on any should feel great satisfaction. He only other occasion than on a motion for ad- desired that the measures to be adopted dressing the throne on the first day of the should be consistent with justice, and calsession. He was glad to find that there culated to compose the agitations of the was to be a reduction of the army; but as country; with sincere joy should he see the amount was not stated, he could not his majesty's ministers changing their judge what degree of benefit was likely to system of policy, and resorting to meabe derived from it. He hoped it would sures by which the tranquillity and prosbe considerable; for it was only by re- perity of the country would be likely to ducing the burthens, and conciliating the be secured. good will of the people, that the difficulties of the country could be overcome. He was sure that by the sincere adoption of conciliatory measures, by placing confidence in the people, by a proper attention to their wants and their wishes, and by a departure from that system of suspicion and restraint with which they had of late been treated, much might be done by any persons who held the government of this country. He was perfectly convinced, if it could be made known that conciliation was to be the policy of government, and that considerable reductions in the expenditure would take place, that the existing dissatisfaction would be greatly diminished. He was also certain that, if it was wished to preserve a free constitution to the country, it was absolutely necessary that a change should take place, and that there should be a decided departure from the military system which ministers had adopted. He found from the Speech that his majesty had been advised to express his acknowledgment of the provision made last session for the civil list. When this circumstance was only now noticed, their lordships surely could not fail to reflect on the singularity of its having been so long deferred. He, therefore, could not help alluding to the extraordinary prorogation of parliament which took place at the end of the last session. Their lordships could not forget how they were then dismissed, without any information on the state of the country, or any notice being taken of the large grant which they had made to the civil list, and which was dictated more from their personal regard for the sovereign than from a consideration of the situation of the country.-There was only one topic more in the Speech to which he should allude, and that was what was stated re The Earl of Liverpool observed, that as the noble earl had not opposed any thing in the address, but only objected to it for what it did not contain; as, subject to this objection, there was no statement in the Speech from the throne which the noble earl did not approve, it was not necessary for him to detain their lordships by entering into any detailed reply. As, however, he might be supposed to acquiesce in the statements of the noble earl if he allowed his speech to pass entirely unnoticed, he thought it necessary to say a few words on some of the topics to which the noble earl had called the attention of the House. In noticing the sentiments of loyalty alluded to in the Speech from the throne, the noble earl had been pleased to intimate that the universal opinion of the country was, that the present system of government ought to be changed. He had not, however, explained what he meant by the system of government, or what was the nature of the change supposed to be required. He was ready to allow that at public meetings a distinction was to be made between expressions of loyalty to the throne and approbation of the measures of governinent. That the former did not include the latter he fully admitted, and he hoped the time never would come in this country, in which the vices and errors of the government were not separated from the throne, and the distinction the noble earl contended for maintained. The noble earl would, however, find himself much mistaken in the opinion he had advanced. Instead of wishing for a change, it was certain that all the thinking part of the country approved of the system on which the government was conducted, and would consider any departure from it as leading to inevitable ruin. He was not prepared to say that there might not have been errors | sent moment. But to what was this fall committed in carrying on the government; in the latter case to be ascribed? To an but that the system on which it had been increase in our home production. This, conducted was erroneous or wrong, he if examined, would, he was convinced, be never would be brought to admit. In the found a full explanation of the fall of course of his speech, the noble earl had prices. There had been no importation next proceeded to make some observations for the last two years, so that no part of on the internal state of the country; and our agricultural distress could be ascribed here he had to complain of some of the to a competition of foreign grain in our remarks of the noble earl; he had to com- market. There was no ground for supplain that he had both mistaken the pur- posing, as some did, that our warehousing port of the Speech from the throne, and system had any share in the effect which of the speech of his noble friend who was complained of; and if not, then the moved the address. Neither in the one inference was irresistible, that we now nor the other was any thing overstated, grew enough for our home consumptionor any thing omitted that it was proper that formerly we did not, and that the to introduce. No intention was mani- low price of grain was to be attributed to fested to blink the question; no attempt an abundance, or an excess of producwas made at subterfuge or concealment. tion. This was his settled opinion-an It was truly stated in the Speech from the opinion which he would be ready to disthrone" that a considerable improvement cuss and support on any proper opportuhad taken place within the last half year nity. What he would particularly caution in several of the most important branches the House against was, that they should of our commerce and manufactures, and not enter on the inquiry with the idea of that in many of the manufacturing districts new legislative enactments. No good the distresses which lately prevailed had could be attained by such incessant legreatly abated." His noble friend who gislative interference. Things would find moved the address adverted to this state- their own level if allowed to remain free. ment, and expressed his satisfaction at Having said thus much on the subject of the gratifying intelligence; but he did not the internal state of the country, he would mean to carry his congratulations further now proceed to follow the noble earl in than they were warranted by facts. But, the observations which he had made on said the noble earl, the subject of our the posture of our foreign relations. agriculture was kept out of view, and our These observations were of such a nature agriculture is in a state of depression. that he could not allow them to pass withTrue it was that our agriculture was not out some comment, though the present alluded to by name; but the depression was not the proper time for an extended under which it was labouring, if not ex- discussion or a full explanation. He must pressly mentioned, was at least sufficiently first set their lordships and the public hinted at in the paragraph of the Speech right on the real state of the question. which spoke of "the distress which still The Speech from the throne, and that of presses on a large portion of the king's his noble friend who had moved the adsubjects." He would remind the noble dress, might have been considered as sufearl of former discussions, and caution the ficiently explicit. In the Speech it was House and the public against forming any stated that his majesty received "from rash opinions on the cause of the evil, or foreign powers the strongest assurances proposing any plausible remedies, that of their friendly disposition towards this might increase instead of diminishing its country, and that it would be matter of pressure. The matter was one of the deep regret to his majesty if the occurmost serious nature: it had engaged the rences which have lately taken place in attention of parliament several years ago; Italy should eventually lead to any interand a legislative enactment was then ruption of tranquillity in that quarter; passed to meet a state of things which did but that in such a case it would be his not now exist. The evil five years ago great object to secure to the people of arose from a cause different from that this country the continuance of peace." which was now complained of, and re- Thus, whether the tranquillity of other quired a different remedy. The prices countries was disturbed or not, the system had then fallen, from importation, so as to of this country was said, to be peace: our excite alarm for our domestic agriculture; object was, to maintain peace, not only for and they had fallen still lower at the pre- our own sake, but for that of the other powers; and surely nothing could be more calculated the chances of improvement, explicit than such a declaration. Inde- and he estimated the effect which the rependently of the general desire to main-volution would produce on other governtain peace and to avert war, which would ments. What two countries in which lead this country to exert itself for the political changes occurred were placed tranquillity of Europe, he had no hesita- exactly in the same situation, and how tion to say, that he had other reasons for could a common course be chalked out maintaining the peace mentioned in the to both? In these circumstances our abSpeech from the throne. If it was neces- stinence from all interference with either sary to engage in war, the system of war party appeared to him to be the best poin which we should be most backward to licy-as to interfere would be exercising engage, would be that which had for its a judgment without the means of forming object to interfere in the internal affairs a correct one. He would not enter furof other states. While he said this much, ther into the subject at present: our obhe had never maintained that the principle ject had hitherto been to take no measure of non-interference could admit of no ex- but on the principle of neutrality; and so ceptions; that there never could occur far from interfering, to guard against all occasions in which we ought to interpose interference. The next topic of the noble to prevent the adoption of certain internal earl's observations was, the intended miliarrangements; or that there might not be tary reductions; and he was glad that, cases in which it was not only justifiable though undefined, they gave him satisfacbut necessary to do so for our own secu- tion. There were circumstances last year rity. All that he would state was, that which required an increase of our military the standing policy of this country was establishment; but he was happy to say, peace, and an abstinence from intermed- that this year those circumstances were dling with the internal affairs of other altered. A considerable saving would nations. This was not of course the time thus be effected; and he would mention for detailed explanation or specific state- it as a circumstance that must give general ment. There might occur an opportu- satisfaction, that the supplies of the year, nity of expressing his sentiments on the would now be provided for without creatsubject, though it could not be expected ing any new stock. He felt pleasure in that he would enter on the discussion at stating, that in the fifth year of peace we present. But the noble earl had argued could go on without additional fundingfor a perfect neutrality in all cases. ["No, a degree of good fortune which did not no," from earl Grey.] The principle, happen to other countries, which were however, which the noble earl had sanc- frequently applied to as subjects of disadtioned would be any thing but neutrality. vantageous comparison.-The noble earl, To adopt his recommendation would be in his animadversions on the conduct of to take a side with the one party or the ministers, had stated, that the prorogation other. Though a party against interfer- of parliament without a Speech from the ence, still it would be taking a party. throne, and without thanks for the grant See the consequences to which this would of the civil-list revenue, was without prelead! Without knowing all the circum-cedent, and was in itself unjustifiable. stances that connected the revolution of With regard to the first, if the noble earl Naples with neighbouring states-without would refer back to the year 1785, he knowing how such an event might affect would find the same course pursued as at them without waiting for explanation or the termination of the last session, and defence, we were to take a side. He was nearly in similar circumstances. Proponot one of those who, in determining our sitions that were then submitted to the policy towards revolutionized states, could Irish parliament were rejected, and the leave out of his view the circumstances British parliament, which was to meet for by which they were accompanied he was the despatch of business only-in the not one of those who loved revolutions event of their passing in Ireland, was for themselves he was not one of those prorogued without a speech. But, indewho viewed with the same eye a revolution pendent of this precedent, he had no diffiagainst an oppressive and a mild govern- culty in saying that, considering a call of ment. In viewing such constitutional the other House would have been enforced changes, he examined the discriminating at a most inconvenient time if parliament character of each particular case: he had not been prorogued, and considering weighed the possibility of success: he that if the call had not been enforced, |