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The House having resolved itself into a committee of supply, lord Palmerston moved, "That 105,9437. 5s. 10d. be granted to his majesty, for defraying the charge of general and staff officers, and officers of the hospitals, serving with his majesty's forces in Great Britain and on foreign stations (excepting India), from 25th Dec. 1820 to 24th Dec. 1821."

Mr. Hume objected to the amount of this vote. With regard to the allowance to the commander in chief, he considered it enormous, and disproportionate to the distressed circumstances of the country. From 1794, up to 1815, the pay of the commander in chief was only 9 guineas a day. It was now increased to 161. 8s. a day. He was aware of the important services of the illustrious individual at the head of this department; but it was the duty of parliament, now that we were arrived at the seventh year of peace, to reduce every part of our military establishment, and to begin by applying that reduction to the head of it. The next item was the charge for the secretary to the commander in chief. The salary of that officer amounted to 2,000l. per annum. No such office existed in 1792, and the secretary had now comparatively little to do. In 1792, the whole details of the

| army were conducted by the war office, at an expense of little more than 10,000l., and the secretary at war had not more than 14 or 15 clerks, instead of the array of 60 or 70, clerks which the noble lord now kept. The quarter-master-general had not even an office at that time, and the whole expense of his establishment, which now amounted to 5 or 6,000l., did not cost more than 500l. a year. He thought the salary of the secretary to the commander-in-chief might be reduced 1,000l. a year. The next item was the pay of the chaplain, who united three offices. The salary of this individual would certainly admit of reduction; for it was clear that he could not perform the duties of all these offices, unless he could be in three different places at one and the same time. The offices of the deputy assistant adjutant-general, and the deputy assistant quarter-master-general might be advantageously reduced. There was not a military man who did not agree that a staff of 15,000l. was extravagant, and might be reduced one-half, or at least one-third. Some reductions had been made in the staff in South Britain. The pay to five permanent district assistants to the quarter-master-general, admitted of considerable reduction. Indeed, those officers might be altogether dispensed with. With respect to the charge for two inspectors of army clothiers, at 693. the whole of the duties might be performed by one inspector with a committee of the officers of the respective corps. The office of chaplain-general was entirely a new creation, and the gradual increase of his income showed the disposition of the government to extrava gant expenditure. When this chaplain was first appointed, he had only a salary of 3651. a year. It was afterwards raised to 800l. Now, if 365l. a year was a sufficient salary for this individual, at a time when our military establishment was double or treble what it was now, his present allowance would surely admit of considerable reduction. The staff in North Britain was double or treble what it was in former years. There was a secretary and an aide-de-camp in that department who had precisely the same duties to perform; one of these offices might, therefore, be well dispensed with. He begged to call the attention of the committee to the amazing disproportion between the staff in England and in Ireland. The staff of Ireland, which, in 1792, cost only a few

thousand pounds, was now charged at 20,500l. There was a charge for no less than seven adjutants-general, and eight quarter-masters-general, with their deputies. One-half of these might be safely reduced. The medical staff in Ireland was much larger than in England. The whole of this medical staff was appointed in 1796; and, as their appointment was understood to be temporary, they received their commissions from the lord lieutenant, and not from the king; nor had one of them ever been abroad on foreign service. They had, in fact, remained in Ireland for the last 15 or 16 years, and had never shared the dangers, which had fallen on the English medical stuff. If this staff was to be kept up, it was but just that it should be supplied by officers of the medical staff in England, who were now on half-pay, and who had been actively engaged in their professional duties in all the late campaigns. With respect to the foreign staff, the charge for this department, which in 1792 was 17,000, now amounted to upwards of 50,000l. The whole charge for the Windward and Leeward Islands was 8,4421. in 1792, and was now 21,509. He had on a former occasion stated his opinion, with regard to Malta and the Ionian Islands. The charge for these Islands amounted to 11,766. and was two-thirds higher than was necessary. Under all these circumstances he thought that the vote might be reduced at least by 20,000l., and would therefore move, that the resolution be amended by the insertion of 85,943l., instead of 105,9431.

Lord Palmerston said, that the question upon which he was at issue with the hon. member was rather a question of principle, than a question of detail; for unless he could show that the principles upon which the military establishment of the country was conducted in 1792, were ap. plicable to the present times, it was futile to compare the details of the present expenditure with those of 1792. Now, he contended, that the military system of 1792, instead of being a guide to direct their course, was rather a beacon to avoid. It was extremely unfit even for the period at which it existed; still less was it applicable to the present state of Europe. Our army in 1792, taking it in the aggregate, and without reference to the courage and character of the officers and men, was one of the worst appointed armies in Europe. Great improvements

since that time had taken place in every part of our military system; and unless we were prepared to forego all the advantages which we derived from those improvements, he knew not upon what principle the proposition of the hon. member could be defended. The hon. gentleman had complained of the salary of the commander-in-chief, but that salary was raised to its present amount, by a regulation assigning that rate of pay to all fieldmarshals when employed; so that this was not a personal grant to the present commander-in-chief. The duties of the military secretary to the commander-in-chiefwere of the most laborious nature, and had in fact been much increased by the reduction of the army; for as it was the duty of the secretary to carry on the correspondence with the commander-in-chief, his labours were much increased in consequence of the number of applications on the part of officers reduced to half-pay. As to the inspectors of army clothing, he was not sure that he understood the hon. gentleman's proposition for substituting one inspector with a committee of officers belonging to each regiment. If the regiments were on foreign service, such a plan would be impracticable; at all events, the expense of sending a detachment of officers from each regiment, would more than counterbalance the reduction of one inspector. With regard to the salary of the chaplain-general, the clerical arrange. ments of the army had been much improved since the appointment of a gentleman of character and respectability to officiate in that capacity. The hon. member complained, that the staff in Ireland was much greater in proportion than the staff in England; but the army in Ireland was much more dispersed than in England, and as that circumstance involved more frequent marches of different detachments, and more frequent inspections, it was necessary to keep up a staff to a greater amount. The noble lord concluded by opposing the amendment.

Colonel Davies bore testimony to the obligations of the army, and of the country in general, to the services of the illustrious person at the head of the military establishment. He was, however, convinced, that a considerable saving might be made in our military establishment; if not to the extent stated by his hon. friend. The commander-in-chief and staff in Ireland, he thought, should be reduced, which would save about 4,000l. a year.

The staff of the Leeward Islands was excessive, amounting to 21,000l. annually. He did not see any necessity for a quarter-master-general in those small islands, which had fort-adjutants and brigade-majors. As to the force kept up at St. Helena, even allowing it was necessary to station two battalions there, yet he did not see why there should be both a lieutenant and brigadier-general. The amount of saving which would arise from the staff reductions which he proposed, would be about 13,000l. a year, exclusive of the medical staff. He would move a resolution to that effect when the amendment before the committee was disposed of; but, painful as it was to his feelings to dissent from his hon. friend, he could not go to the full extent of his amendment.

Mr. J. Smith said, he should have been much more satisfied with the amendment, if it had proposed a smaller reduction. He was ready to acknowledge the benefits which had accrued to the nation from the exertions of our gallant army; but in these times, when even the public creditor was alarmed, it was necessary that every practicable saving should be made, and that no person should be employed by the state whose services were not absolutely necessary.

Mr. Hume, in consequence of a feeling expressed by his hon. friends around him, wished to withdraw his amendment, and to substitute another in its place, proposing a reduction of 10,000l. instead of 20,000l.

The committee divided on this amendment: Ayes, 61; Noes, 116. The original resolution was then agreed to.

On the resolution, "That 25,3821. 13s. 10d. be granted for the General Staff of Ireland,"

Sir H. Parnell thought that the appointment of a separate commander of the forces for Ireland, with the staff by which that officer stood surrounded, was a measure of blameable expense. The duty might be perfectly well performed by an officer having the rank of lieutenant-general, and such an alteration would be attended with a considerable saving. The whole establishment of Ireland was formed upon an extravagant scale, for there were more general officers employed to command 20,000 men in that country, than sufficed for 27,000 in England. He concluded by proposing to reduce the grant to 20,4791.

VOL. IV.

Lord Palmerston said, that a commander of the forces in Ireland was indispensable. When they considered the distance between Dublin and this metropolis, it would be seen that the delay and inconvenience of correspondence would be subversive of order and discipline. It then became a question, how the office of commander of the forces was to be remunerated. The committee would see, that the individual who held it was subjected to heavy expenses, in consequence of being obliged to receive the very best company at his table, and that the various other duties of his office led him into large expenditures.

Mr. Hume maintained, that the establishments of Ireland might be reduced without inconvenience to the service. They exceeded, past all reason, the corresponding establishments of this country.

Mr. O'Grady said, it was not against the effective force of the army, but against the superfluous offices attached to it that he directed his opposition. The commander of the forces in Ireland and the adjutant-generals and their assistants appeared to him to be kept up at an unnecessary expense, and he should, therefore, vote for their abolition.

Mr. Grant observed, that if they were to have a court in Ireland they must countenance the appointment of high offices in order to support its dignity. The hon. baronet had suggested last year that the office of lord lieutenant might be abolished-a suggestion that had excited considerable alarm in Ireland.

The committee divided: For the amendment, 53; Against it, 140.

On the resolution, "That 28,8831. be granted for the Allowance to the Paymaster General,"

The

Mr. Hume objected to the expense of maintaining this establishment. amount which annually passed through the pay-master's hands was from six to ten millions, and it cost the country 28,000. to maintain this office; that was, to pay the military checks, which might be done at the Bank for nothing. One individual, with the assistance of four or five clerks, could do all the business of the office. 1792, the amount of this department was 18,3447. A reduction was even then thought of; but, instead of that, its amount had been raised to 28,000l. No harm would be done to the individuals of that department, if the expense was brought back, in the first instance, to the 5 E

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amount of 1792; and hereafter he hoped means would be found to do away with the office altogether. The whole amount of the expense of the department at present was 28,8831., which included 5,000l. payable in pensions. He would move, that the sum of 23,7281. be substituted. Sir C. Long entered into a description of the duties attached to the office in peace and war, and contended that, from the nature of those duties, it was impossible they could be performed by the Bank. He stated the expense of the establishment, from 1792 to the present time, for the purpose of showing that, since he was connected with the office, much had been done in the way of retrenchment. He had made many reductions, and he doubted not but that he should be able to effect still more. Several accounts which were connected with the late war were in the office. This rendered it necessary to retain clerks, who would not otherwise be employed. When those accounts were audited and passed, the hon. gentleman would see a very considerable reduction; but it would be the worst possible policy to dismiss those clerks before the accounts were settled.

liation which they had set up. Their machinery had totally failed; and it had turned out a bankrupt adventure. The measure including the intercourse bill, appeared to him to be very much misunderstood. It seemed to be an experiment, as to what portion of religious faith might be given up for the purpose of procuring political privileges. No person more highly respected than he did those illustrious persons connected with the most ancient families in the kingdom, whose sentiments had been laid before parliament. He admitted their claims to the greatest consideration; but he could not admit that their opinion on matters connected with the Catholic faith should guide the decision of the House. He maintained, that their faith was open to the examination of the legislature, who had a right to judge for themselves. They had an opportunity of forming an opinion of the effects of the Catholic faith as well from a perusal of the histories composed by clergymen of that church, as by an examination of the works of Protestant writers. He could not look on an assembly of Roman Catholic noblemen and gentlemen who were devising the means of finding their way back to those privileges and immunities which they had lost, as the fair expositors of the Catholic faith. No: for that exposition he would rather look to an assembly of persons regularly convoked by the acknowledged Catholic authorities. What had passed in some of those assemblies showed pretty clearly that the bill was not viewed by the Catholic clergy with approbation. respect to Ireland, he was much deceived if the clergy had not, almost unanimously agreed to resolutions condemnatory of Sir William Scott rose. He confessed the measure. Amongst those who petithat, as far as he was able to form a judg-tioned against it, was a Catholic clergyment of the bill, the expectations of any improvement of it, so as to obviate the objections to which it had been open, had not been realized. After commitments and re-commitments, and all the elaborate attention which had been bestowed upon it, the bill came before them worse, than it was before. In the instances of former bills, for the same purpose, they had dissatisfied one party only; but by this bill all sides were dissatisfied; the party who objected to it, and those whom it was intended to conciliate. The other party, the House, had an equal reason to be dissatisfied. They had had no success in the manufactory of conci

After some further conversation the committee divided; the original resolution was agreed, to without a division.

The House resumed, and on the motion, that the report be received on Monday, the House divided: Ayes, 25; Noes, 20.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Monday, April 2.

ROMAN CATHOLIC DISABILITY REMOVAL BILL.] On the motion, "That the Bill be now read the third time,"

With

man of rank and influence, whose name had been treated with a considerable degree of asperity by the supporters of the bill. He did not mean to undertake the defence of that individual; he knew him not: but he would say, that he respected him for his learning, for his ingenuity, and for the integrity he had shown in avowing the sentiments of the religion he professed.

Upon looking over this bill, he found that clause which had given rise to all the argument about the celebrated explanation or exposition of which so much had been said. Upon this subject we had fortunately a document coeval with the

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This, then, was the whole effect of the argument, the whole amount of the historical facts, upon which the House was told that the exposition of that day, similar to that which was now proposed, was an arrangement by which the lacerated consciences of the Catholics

were entirely healed. Was it upon principles like these, or arguments thus founded, that they were to undermine the venerable basis upon which the Protestant constitution of this country had so long reposed in strength and security?

Reformation, to show what was then the gued in different councils, until it was legislative understanding of that interfer- proposed as a question of propriety to ence, whether spiritual or temporal, the council of Trent, who declared the against which the oath of supremacy at-practice to be unlawful. Next there tempted to guard. But, after every was the book of Mr. Butler. After mendevice which had been contrived, to ex- tioning the severe fines which were implain away the mischievous tendency of posed on persons for not attending divine the proposed measure, with all the screw-worship in the Protestant churches, he ing and wrenching which had been put in observed-" These amounted to a very practice, unfortunately the experiment large sum; and out of them the queen had totally failed. This was the first ex- got 20,000l. During the first year of her periment which had yet been made to at-reign a great number of Roman Catholics tempt, by legislative means, to alter that in order to avoid the extreme rigour of inviolable oath, and to remove that im- these laws, frequently went to Protestant portant protection which had been set churches." by the wisdom of our ancestors; and he hoped and trusted that, for the honour of parliament, it would be the last. He could not help saying that he was not more surprised at the attempts which had been made to introduce the declaration contained in the present bill, than he was at the arguments which had been offered in support of it. The very authority to which the right hon. framer of the bill had appealed was against him. Bishop Burnet described the measures of queen Elizabeth's court as being intended He begged to intrude upon the serious to separate the church from the Papists attention of the House for a short time, altogether, and as having, with that while he gave an outline of the opinions view, laid the whole weight of the ques-which had been entertained on this subtion of difference on the obedience ex-ject by men of far greater eminence and acted from Catholics to the authority of the pope. Another argument had been used, to show how much Catholics, as well as Protestants, were delighted with The papists must acknowledge the the measures of queen Elizabeth, namely, pope; they must have some supreme that both parties resorted to the same prince, and some homage to do to him, places of worship. On this point he even in this world; and for this reason it would refer to two very eminent Roman is that they cannot enjoy the same priviCatholic authorities-the one, Mr. Dodd, leges which are vested in the other subthe celebrated author of a History of the jects of this realm." Mr. Locke carried Reformation; the other, Mr. Butler, a this principle still farther. He said, that gentleman of great learning and ability. the Catholic had a right to participate in Mr. Dodd's account was that," during the all the privileges of a free citizen of the first year of queen Elizabeth's reign, a state, if his faith did not justify his exclugreat division arose among the Catholics; sion: "they have, however, thought fit the cause being, that many of them ap- to deliver themselves up to the jurisdicpeared, for some time, in Protestant tion and dominion of a foreign prince, churches; but this they did merely to who not only has the power to require screen themselves from the rigour of the the members of his church to do what laws then in force against the Papists." he may think fit for the welfare of his ecNow, here was not one word about the clesiastical state or temporal benefit, but satisfaction which this exposition had to enjoin them to do it under pain of given to all parties; but the cause as- eternal fire." Lord Clarendon, a man signed was, that they were solicitous to who to extensive information and great screen themselves from the operation of judgment united an intimate knowledge certain penal laws. The historian went of the human heart, observed, that it was on to say, that several tracts were pub- just, seeing that the Catholics had relished on the subject, and that it was ar-nounced the Protestants, that the Protest

distinction than himself. The learned Mr. Selden, who possessed an intimate acquaintance with these matters, had said

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