Northern States, describing the sufferings and wrongs of the Union party in Tennessee..

The avowed object of his lectures was to raise money to aid the Federal cause, and to re-establish his own paper, whose press and offices had been burnt down by a Secession mob. At the time I heard him, he was starring it through the. New England States, and vast audiences crowded to listen to his screaming denunciations of the Confederacy. As a Southern Unionist from a Slave State, his support was acceptable to the Federal party; and, I regret to say, many persons of position and character in New England volunteered to endorse his raving addresses. To me I own he was simply and inexpressibly disgusting. His narrative of the cruelties he underwent and witnessed in the prisons of the South may have been true-though for my own part, I cannot believe that, even if I were describing the horrors of Cawnpore, I could always cry at my own description of a child's brains being dashed out, when I had delivered the same lecture a score of times. In outward appearance, he is a cross between our national caricature of the typical Yankee and the stage portraits of Aminidab Sleek. In plain words, he looked the most unmitigated blackguard that I have ever come across. That such a fellow should have been a man of note and a popular preacher in the South, gave one a low impression of slaveholding civilization. In language he varied from the cant of a Methodist ranter, to the

ribald profanity of Jonathan Wild. On the occasion when I heard him, the mildest form of adjuration that he employed was, "May the curse of God rest upon me!" A minister of the Gospel, he boasted to his hearers that, sooner than sign a declaration of allegiance to the Confederacy, he would have seen the whole Confederate Cabinet in hell, and himself on the top of them. A professed follower of Christ, he wound up by declaring it to be the one object of his life to join the Federal army, when it marched on East Tennessee, to point out the traitors that should be hung, and then, if no one else could be found to do it, to tie the cord himself round their necks, and act as hangman!

To do the audience justice, his blasphemies-for I can call them nothing else—were coldly received. All the passages, in which he called for stern justice and unsparing action, were cheered loudly. He was followed by a General Carey, a brother exile from Tennessee, who was free from the profanity of Brownlow, but who raised even more sternly, and with more apparent sincerity, the cry for vengeance. When he asked the audience how it was that fifteen months had passed since Fort Sumter was attacked, and yet no single traitor had been hung, or shot by law, he was answered by a storm of applause; and, again, when he passed an enthusiastic eulogy on General Butler, as the first Federal commander who had understood the position,

he was interrupted by shouts and cheers. I heard but one faint hiss from the back benches.

All this, according to my judgment, was bad enough, and will prove the parent of worse things yet. It was a strange indication. of the change that was passing over men's minds when a Boston audience cheered the sentiment—“That there never would be peace in the Union "till the North awoke to a sense of its duty, and made "South Carolina what Sodom and Gomorrah were of "old." Heaven knows I do not believe that this feeling of vengeance was then, or is now, in any sense the true sentiment of the North, or even that the men and women, who cheered Brownlow on, really pictured to themselves what his teaching meant. Still the desire for revenge was, undoubtedly, developing itself in the New England States. Out of evil there comes good; and one good of all this was, that the anti-slavery sentiment was daily growing stronger. Governor Andrew, about this time, expressed, though perhaps prematurely, the popular instinct of Massachusetts when he stated, in reply to the Government demand for fresh troops, that the East would fight more readily if men knew that they were fighting against slavery. It is the pressure of this growing earnestness, of this resolution to sacrifice everything to one end, which at last forced the Government at Washington to make the war for the restoration of the Union a war also for the abolition of slavery.

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INDEPENDENCE-DAY IN NEW YORK.

"You should go to New York for the Fourth-before “then we must have grand news from Richmond-and "you will see a sight that you ought to witness—a

regular noisy, rowdy, glorious, Fourth of July." So an American friend of mine said to me in the latter days of June, and I followed his advice; but, according to the French proverb, "Man proposes, God disposes," and though I saw the Fourth, instead of being glorious, it was the gloomiest Independence-day that the Empire city had known during the present century. It was only on the preceding day that the full truth concerning McClellan's retreat had become known. The bitter suspense, indeed, was over, and people were beginning to look the worst fairly in the face. But the half-stunned feeling of dismay had not yet passed away; and even the public mind of America, with all its extraordinary elasticity, was still unable to brace itself to rejoicing and self-glorification. It was under such auspices that the last Independence-day was celebrated.

To show the tone with which the press of America represented popular feeling, let me quote two articles from leading New York papers on the morning of the festival. Even the New York Herald, for once, was dignified, and wrote of the day in the following words: "Through the thick gloom of the present we see the brightness of the future as the sun in heaven. We "shall make this a glorious and immortal day. When

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we are in our graves our children will honour it; they "will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivities, "with bonfires, with illuminations; on its annual "return they will shed tears, not of subjection and

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slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, "of gratitude, and of joy.' Thus exclaimed the patriot seer John Adams on the adoption of the Declaration " of Independence eighty-six years ago. We could have 66 no better motto for the day. He saluted it by the "All hail hereafter!' as the birthday of the Republic; "We celebrate it now in the new birth and regeneration "of that Republic. Now as then, indeed, 'thick gloom' hangs over our country; but the eye of faith can

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descry the brightness of the future as the sun in "heaven.' To-day we celebrate it, not merely by the festivities, bonfires, and illuminations whereof he "speaks, but by the awful baptism of fire and blood.

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We have, indeed, our wonted festivities; but the real "celebration of to-day is along the line of battle, and "where the Union hosts surround the beleagured