to the credit of my sagacity, or the benefit of my purse. Knowing nothing of business myself, I took the advice of as many people as I could, remembering that in a multitude of counsellors there is safety. Somehow or other it happened, however, that, though the advice was always good when it was given, it turned out always bad in the end, owing to those unexpected revolutions with which Providence so often shames human sagacity, as if in scorn of the puny prophets who pretend to say what will happen to-morrow. By degrees these repeated losses impaired my fortune not a little; but I did not mind it, indeed I was rather rejoiced, as these occasional rubs roused me into a wholesome vexation, that kept me from that stagnant state of mind which I dreaded above all things. It was not until I fell in love, and felt the want of that delightful confidence which a full purse gives to the animal man in time of sore tribulation, that I found reason to regret the diminution of my fortune. But now, when I fancied it stood in the way of my becoming worthy the hand of my lady love, I often pondered on the means of retrieving my losses, and this hint of a speculation effectually arrested my attention. Without being too particular, suffice it to say that I yielded to the gentleman's infallible prognostics; I laid out nearly the whole of my fortune in a cctton speculation, and my friendly adviser declined taking a share in the profits, being content with his commissions on the purchase.

I had now ample employment be tween the perplexities of love and the anticipations of money, and settled in my own mind that the realizing of the latter should put an end to the fears and hopes of the former. I continued my visits to the lady, but made no actual demonstration, except by looks and actions, until the fall of cotton, and the consequent downfall of all my towering hopes. I lost the best

part of what remained of my pro-
perty; and a fit of shyness came
over me, that effectually prevented
me from making my purposed de-
claration, even if I had been ever
so anxious. But I had lost both
the intrepidity and the inclination,
and considered I had now so little
fortune remaining, that it would not
only be imprudent, but presumptu-
ous, to expect a favorable reception
to a proposal of this nature. I
shut myself up in my room, and
was miserable; but strange to say,
not half so miserable as when I had
I neither
nothing to trouble me.
thought of myself, nor my infirmi
ties, real or imaginary; but I
thought of my lady love so intently
that forgot myself, and, what is
very remarkable, never had the
nightmare during the whole period
of my seclusion. Neither did my
time hang dead about my neck like
a millstone, as it did when I was so
perfectly free from all care and all
employment. In short, I had some-
thing to think of, and that is the
next best thing to having something
to do.

One day my merry old friend came to see me. "What has become of you this age," said he, "and what is the matter that we have not seen you lately? My cousin has inquired about you several times; so I came to see if you were becalmed, according to custom-or sick-or sulky-or-but what the deuce ails you?" looking at my wo-begone countenance.

"I am as poor as a rat.”

"So much the better; you have all your life been suffering the penalty of riches, and now you will be good for something. But how?”

"A cotton speculation!" said I, shrugging my shoulders.

"Is all gone?".

"Not quite-I have a few thousands left."

"So much the better; you shall marry my cousin, and we will join stocks together as merchants. You shall furnish the capital, and I'll manage it."

THE LATE CAMPAIGN OF THE SPANISH CONSTITUTIONALISTS.

a united, and patriotic, and successful resistance may soon be made to the government of a proud despot and his minions, who in their stupid obstinacy now tyrannise over the sleeping energies of a great and once valiant nation; and that the Spanish people may show that they possess the moral capacity of enjoying the liberty which may be obtained by physical power.]

at the first blush, startle and perhaps convince those who are not disposed to give the subject sufficient reflection. The validity of this argument once established, it will go to prove that Spain is doomed to continue forever in the same deplorable state; for there is no earthly reason why the question and concomitant answer should not be supplied a century hence with the same justice and propriety as at present. Are evils to be cured by letting them have full scope to prey upon their victims ?-or is the enlightenment of nations to be obtain

THE question which naturally occurs to the generality of Englishmen who are not deeply conversant with the state of Spanish affairs, is "Why do not the Spanish people, like the French, rise spontaneously to arms against their op-ed by keeping individuals in a close pressors?" To enter into a full and jealous oppression? Wait till and satisfactory solution of this que- the mass of the people becomes less ry, would carry us beyond the limits gross in their ignorance-less fanawhich we can for the present assign tic in their superstition. But how to the subject; and we shall accord- is this to be obtained? Is it by ingly remit to a future number the making no efforts whatever to open task of demonstrating the several the eyes of the said people?—or is causes which militate against an the miracle to be accomplished by electric and simultaneous rising up divine interposition ?-or, perhaps, of the Spanish nation. But whate- the enlightenment of the mass of ver may be the obstacles to be sur- the Spanish nation is to be achieved mounted, the dangers to be incur- by carefully removing from their red, or the trial to be undergone, reach all the means of coming to a before a regeneration can be effect- knowledge of the truth? Such is ed in Spain, neither those obstacles, precisely the aspect in which the dangers, or trials, can present a unprejudiced will view the argupretext, much less an efficient rea- ment in favor of postponing Spanish son, for apathy and inactivity on the liberty to a future period. part of those who feel any interest in the affairs of their country. A false argument is continually adduced by the advocates of the present ruinous and humiliating system of government in the Peninsula, when they wish to paralyze the efforts of the noble-minded, or destroy the sympathy which those efforts may generate in kindred spirits in foreign countries. They say, "The Spanish people are content with the existing order of things; why, then, disturb the tranquillity of the land by attempts, the probable results of which will only be to entail a long train of calamities on the inhabitants? Why endeavor, by violent means, to introduce into the nation institutions which the mass of the public can neither understand nor appreciate?" These questions may,

But the Spanish nation is not, as it is gratuitously assumed, satisfied with the present system of affairs— unless, indeed, by a nation be meant the swarm of reptiles who fatten on the ruin of the land-unless by a nation be meant the tribe of placeholders and place-hunters-the sycophants, an indolent portion of the aristocracy and of a tyrannic and vicious clergy-and a degraded rabble, that care little under what form of government they live, provided they can carry on their pernicious avocations. But if, on the contrary, by a nation is understood the respectable, enlightened, and industrious classes of society, the balance will weigh prodigiously in favor of liberal institutions. These and other considerations had determined the exiled Constitutionalists, in accord

ance with their brethren of the Peninsula, to exert their efforts in behalf of their country, so soon as a favorable opportunity should offer for carrying their undertaking into execution with any strong probability of success. The late memorable events in Paris, which terminated so fortunately in the overthrow of oppression, were the welcome messengers which told that the longwished-for moment was at length arrived, when the energies of the Spaniards were to be called into action to break the ignominious shackles which kept their country in more ignominious thraldom. It was evident that, with the downfall of an obnoxious dynasty in France, the chief support of despotism in Spain was also felled to the ground. No longer would the patriots have to dread the scandalous and unprincipled invasion of a hundred thousand soldiers, sent to destroy the liberties of the land-as was the case in the year 1823. Instead of the agents and abettors of oppression, the liberals of Spain beheld now friends and brothers, who, if they did not support their cause, would at least throw no impediment in the way of freedom, much less present themselves as instruments in the hands of tyranny to enslave and oppress. Strong symptoms of revolutionary effervescence in Spain became immediately perceptible. A general movement took place among the refugees individually, or in parties; they moved towards the frontiers. The public journals were filled with speculations relating to the question at issue, and the state and prospects of Spain acquired suddenly a degree of interest and importance which offered a striking contrast with the indifference formerly displayed towards the affairs of that kingdom. Sanguine expectations of success were entertained, and the internal intrigues, occasioned by

the Carlist faction in the Peninsula, reasonably enough added another argument in favor of such anticipations. But among the obstacles which were destined to impede and check the progress of the constitutionalists, there was one more deeply deplored by the friends of Spanish liberty, as they knew the fatal effects which it was sure to produce; such was the disunion which became but too soon apparent among the chiefs that were organizing the invasion into Spain. This disunion was the more detrimental to the cause, as it originated not in the pique or disappointment of the moment, but was on the contrary an evil of long standing-an evil which had been firmly established, and was now systematically continued. That the reader may clearly understand the original cause of this calamitous difference among the Spanish patriots, it is necessary he should learn that among that valiant body there exist two distinct parties, known by the denominations of the Masones and the Comuneros. Without entering into an examination, or presuming to give a judgment, concerning the merits and demerits of these parties, it will still be necessary to afford some idea of their character, views and pretensions. The Masones possess the moral, and the Comuneros the numerical majority among the refugees. Though we must not infer from this, that there are not many Comuneros who have adhered and will adhere to the operations of the other party when they perceive inefficiency or fault in their own. The Masones contain in their ranks the greater proportion of the influential names among the liberals. The members of the Cortes of the year 1812, the old generals and patriots, &c., belong to this party.* That part of the aristocracy which entertains liberal opinions, also ad

Such as Don A. Arguilles, Don C. Valdez, Count Toreno, Martinez de la Rosa, Calatra va, Cuadra, Galiano Isturiz, &c. Among the generals--Mina, Espinoza, Placensia, Castellar, Butron, Quiroga, Lopez, Banos, &c.