those who were ignorant of the intricate character of the Vice-President, new laurels to his brow. It imported to them, that he would do nothing to ruffle the tranquility of the union, or traverse the ardent expectations of the people. For it was now generally believed, indeed it was pretty accurately ascertained, that the two candidates had an equal number of votes, and it was therefore in this case known, that the choice of a President would be left to the House of Representatives. It was also believed that the Federalists would, as usual, leave no effort untried to disappoint the people of him to whom they had for many years looked as the sheet anchor of their freedom. Mr. Burr's letter, therefore, was calculated, seemingly, to lull their appréhension, give a zest to their useful and manly triumph; and to tranquilize fears of unworthy competition, or dishonorable collusion. But nothing was ever more illusive, or profoundly machiavelian. The letter was a mantelet, under which he meant to pierce the sides of the people with advantage to himself. We shall copy it verbatim, that the reader may have a full view of the subject, and to preserve it as a monument of consummate perfidy.

الله الله

"Extract of a letter from Colonel Burr, to General Smith of Baltimore, dated, New-York, December 16th, 1801.

"It is highly improbable that I shall have an equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson: but if such should be the result, every man who knows me ought to know, that . would utterly disclaim all competition. Be assured that the federal party can entertain no wish for such an ex

change. As to my friends, they would dishonor my view and insult my feelings, by a suspicion that I would submit to be instrumental in counteracting the wishes and the expecAnd I now constitute you my tations of the United States. proxy to declare these sentiments, if the occasion shall require" (it.)

This letter, which there is every reason to believe was not voluntarily written, was not intended for publication. The words," And I now constitute you my proxy to declare these sentiments, if the occasion shall require-which are stiff and awkward-show, that General Smith, who no doubt with the best views, wisely published the letter immediately after its reception, was not expressly authorised to do so. The declaration of the sentiments, as stated in the letter, meant, there can be no doubt, an oral declaration. This too, comported better with the views of the Vice-President. Verbal declarations are much more easily parried than written ones. Those are a proteous, these, though somewhat subject to various interpretations, adhere more firmly to the writer. Beside, Mr. Burr has declared to a gentleman in this City, that the letter was only meant for pri

vate use.*

NOTE.

*The "Washington Federalist," of January 1st, 1801, the then Government paper of the federal party, gives, Mr. Burr's letter the following interpretation.

"There was inserted in yesterday's Federalist, a letter from Colonel Burr, which we venture to predict can be con

But had Mr. Burr, really meant to " disclaim all competi-f

tion" with Mr. Jefferson, there is one mode in which he

NOTE.

ceived in no other light than as an additional evidence of his fitness to fill the Presidential Chair.

"Colonel Burr therein disclaims, all competition with Mr. Jefferson.' He very modestly expresses a belief that he will not have an equal number of votes with that gentleman, and diffidently supposes that the federal party can entertain no wish for such an exchange. He informs his friends that they would dishonor his views and insult his feelings by a suspicion that he would be instrumental in counteracting the wishes of the United States.'

"Declarations thus patriotic were expected from Colonel Burr, and are literally such as to assure his acceptance of the important office of President, if the House of Representatives shall determine in his favor.

"We believe that Colonel Burr would of choice decline a compétition. We believe that his feelings would be insulted by a supposition that he would be instrumental in counteracting the wishes of the United States. But if the rigorous construction of the term competition' shall prevail so as to embrace even involuntary competition, it substantially operates a destruction of what Colonel Burr clings to as a principle-to wit, that he will never be instrumental in counteracting the wishes of the United States. For how otherwise, in the name of common sense, could Mr. Burr become instrumental in counteracting the wishes of the United States, than by refusing, after the people at large have acted upon the occasion, to acquiesce in any election which Congress, or

"

might have effectually done so. He ought to have said, "it is evidently the wish of the people to place Mr. Jefferson at

NOTE

rather the United States in Congress assembled, shall think proper to make?

"It is proper in our judgment to adhere to long established and antient rules of construction in all cases, where there exists no apparent necessity for setting them aside. It is proper to expound the letter in question ut magis valeat quam pereat, and this admitted, any other exposition of the sentiments contained in Colonel Burr's letter than that here. contended for, ought in justice to be overruled.

"If the voice of the people is to be resorted to, where else can it be discovered than in the vote of their Electors.

"What is the language the people of America express in this vote? Why certainly that in their opinion Mr. Jefferson is equal to Colonel Burr, and Colonel Burr equal to Mr. Jefferson!

"They are thus presented to the United States-To the wisdom of the House of Representatives, after due deliberation both upon their positive and negative merits, is submitted the choice between them; and with this decision however it is likely to terminate-Colonel Burr ought not consistently with the principles he has professed by his proxy General Smith, to interfere in any manner whatever."

the head of the government: and it is probable, from the general tenor of the conduct of the Federalists, that, merely to di sappoint the people, they may attempt to place the administration in my hands. I should most cordially contemn so treasonable a conspiracy. I will never accept it from them. Should they by menace or by intrigue, by force or by fraud, be able to commit the executive power to my guidance, I would instantaneously resign it to Mr. Jefferson. I will accept no office contrary to the will of the people." Sucht language would have put an end to the dispute.

But it did not exactly suit the views of the Vice President to be thus explicit. He did intend to be President of the United States. He did mean "to counteract the wishes and expectations of the people," by projects the most dishonorable, the most unprincipled. He no do doubt was convinced when he wrote the letter to General Smith, that he had as many votes as Mr. Jefferson. It was ascertained before the South Carolina votes were given, that those of Rhode-Island would be Federal: The complexion of the Electors settled that point beyond all controversy. He knew, there was good reason to believe, previous to his penning the letter to General Smith, that the South Carolina votes were or would be given to Mr. Jefferson and himself. He had daily information from his agent Mr. Timothy Greene, who resided at Columbia; who was every day with the Electors, and who, from his intimacy with them, certainly knew how they would vote. In fact, it was clearly enough ascertained here on the very day when Mr. Burr wrote his letter, namely, the 16th December 1800, that the South Carolina votes would be given to Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr