Governor would ferve again or not, and where a larger meeting of Republicans was expected.

After the refignation of Governor Clinton at NewYork was publicly announced, a meeting of about forty influential Republicans, from various parts of the State, principally members of the Legislature, was called; and on a plenary view of the fubject, it was agreed to decide by ballot who fhould be the candidate. As ufual the PERSONAL friends of Mr. Burr were peculiarly active. All their arts of fimulation and diffimulation were adroitly employed. Of the forty votes, however, Mr. Burr had no more than SIX! Not a member of the Legiflature nor a person who refided out of the city it is believed voted for him. Those who gave him their fuffrages, were his mere perfonal friends who refided in the city, and who were fuppofed to be victims of his intrigue. The refult fhewed the infignificance of his influence and the inferiority of { his pretenfions. Judge Yates was the candidate whom the meeting agreed to fupport. This gentleman, though he permitted himself in the year 1789, to be held up by the federalifts for the office of Governor, which was an error, never abandoned his party.

It is reasonable to fuppofe that Mr. Burr, who in the year 1789, fupported with fo much zeal the election of Judge Yates in oppofition to Governor Clinton, would, with no lefs ardency, aid his election in 1795. But Mr. Burr could not forget that he was himself the unsuccessful Candidate, and Judge Yates his fortunate rival. Pursuing that selfish, non-difcript, but ambitious fyftem, which had hitherto marked his political steps, in fullen dif- ( appointment he folded his arms and retired within his

hell. During the election, he obferved a strict neutrality between the Candidates. This conduct plainly bespoke the opinion, that if he could do nothing for himself, he would do nothing for the party to whom he was supposed Χ to be attached. Mr. Jay having prevailed over Judge Yates, the federal party, for the first time, obtained an afcendency in the State Government, which they maintained for five years.

Mr. Burr's feat in the fenate of the United States became vacant March 3d, 1797, but the Sate Legislature being now federal, he was not re-elected.

This year he was a candidate for the Vice President, but of the 138 votes he had only thirty. "His political standing was fo young, himself fo little known generally, and his fentiments, where they were understood, were viewed as fo very ambiguous, that his pretenfions were rather a fubject of ridicule than of ferious import. At the fame time, he was fufpected of having tampered with some of the federal party in our State Legislature. It was fuppofed that John Bird, and Thomas Morris were in his intereft; and it was contemplated, and in fact attempted to hold up a ticket of federal electors, who, from their intimacy with Mr. Burr, would probably vote for him. As an evidence of this intrigue the reader is referred to the Journal of the Affembly, which, to any one acquainted with the perfons then in the Legislature, will fufficiently indicate it."

Still Mr. Burr's intrigue and want of a steady uniform principle, were known but to a few perfons, and thefe deemed it prudent (I will not fay with what wifdom) to conceal them.

During the time Mr. Burr was in the federal Senate, few party questions of moment occurred. The Federal Government was then in its infancy of error, if not of iniquity. He oppo

sed, however, with zeal and firmness that noxious instru

ment, the British Treaty. In this, his conduct was highly acceptable to the Republican party, and obtained deserved applause.

In this year (1797) Mr. Burr was elected a member of the State Assembly for the city of New-York. This was the first time, for some years, the Republicans had been successful in that city. The rapidity with which Federal measures approached to despotism, diminished the num bers of the Federal and strengthened the Republican party. The weakness of the Federalists was indeed so apparent to themselves, that, to add vigour to their party, they deemed it expedient to compose their ticket of Republicans and Federalists. By exhibiting this conciliatory disposition, they hoped to retain a portion of that power, the whole of which they were in danger of losing.

The following session of the Legislature, was, in various respects, important. The temporary ascendency of the Federal party was evidently on the wane. The sun of Republicanism, which had sustained a transient eclipse, was emerging resplendent from its preternatural obscurity. The election for Governor was to occur the ensuing year. Success materially depended on the wisdom and vigour of our measures; on cherishing the party by a cordial enterchange of sentiment, and by pursuing steps calculated to diminish the numbers and attenuate the spirit of our op

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ponents. Mr. Burr, however, was far from promoting the ●ne or contributing to effect the other. In the Legislature, he neither exhibited that firmness nor activity for which so much eredit has been improperly given him. He appeared rather as an isolated individual, belonging to no party, than at warm and active friend of the Republican cause.

He rarely if ever attended a Republican meeting, and never, it is believed, wrote a single line in support of freedom.

In 1798, a year distinguished by Federal terror and proscription, the election for Governor of the State occurred. Mr. Burr was now sensible that it would neither be proper nor availing for himself to be held up as the Republican candidate. For that exalted office Chancellor Livingston was supported by the Republican party. While Mr. Burr abstained from opposing the nomination of the Chancellor, he studiously avoided doing any thing to promote his election. The Chancellor was, however, honourably and spiritedly supported by the great body of his friends: Mr. Burr was the only man of note in the party who appeared listless of the event.

Notwithstanding, circumstances conspired to favour the re-election of his opponent, Mr. Jay, who succeeded by a large majority. But although we lost the election of the learned candidate for the office of Governor, we acquired strength in the Legislature. A Republican representation, with the exception of one man, was again sent from the eity of New-York; and in this representation Mr. Durr was included.

We shall now take a cursory view of his conduct in the Assembly, and see how far it is honorable to himself, or affords to the party who have hitherto given him their support, reasonable ground of confidence.

It has been already stated that Mr. Burr rarely attended the meetings of the Republican members of the Legisla ture; it may be added that in his individual intercourse with them, he manifested a stiff and unfriendly reserve. He always appeared intent upon playing the part of a wily, rather than that of an honest, comprehensive, and profound statesman. With the eyes of a lynx, he was more on the watch to convert incidental circumstances to his private advantage, to the furtherance of his immeasurably ambitious views, than to seize and appropriate them to the public weal. While therefore he was distrusted by the Fede ralists, he was suspected by his own party. On trying and delicate questions, or such as might expose him to the obloquy and censure of his opponents, he was backward in exhibiting his sentiments. He was known to mingle with the opposite party in the Legislature, and frequently to manifest a double front. His tergiversating conduct on many important points, furnished abundant reason to suspect the purity of his views, and the sincerity of his political professions. He frequently exhibited solicitude for the success of federal measures in the house, by a wary avoidance of opposition to them; measures which could not be carried without vitally injuring the cause he ostensibly espoused. Proof of this assertion shall be adduced.

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