of our state and merits in 1810, and so very | with any degree of fairness or temper, and different a one in 1819? There is but one had not announced that they were brought explanation that occurs to us. — Mr. W., as forward as incentives to hostility and nationa. appears from the passages just quoted, had alienation, we should have been so far from been originally very much of the opinion to complaining of him, that we should have been which he has now returned-For he tells us, heartily thankful for the services of such an that he considers the tribute of admiration auxiliary in our holy war against vice and which he there offers to our excellence, as an corruption; and rejoiced to obtain the testi Atonement for the errors and prejudices under mony of an impartial observer, in corroborawhich he laboured till he came among us,- tion of our own earnest admonitions. Even and hits pretty plainly, that he had formerly as it is, we are inclined to think that this exDeen ungrateful enough to disown all obliga- position of our infirmities will rather do good tion to our race, and impious enough even to than harm, so far as it produces any effect at wish for our ruin. Now, from the tenor of the all, in this country. Among our national vices, work before us, compared with these passages, we have long reckoned an insolent and over it is pretty plain, we think, that Mr. W. has weening opinion of our own universal superijust relapsed into those damnable heresies, ority; and though it really does not belong to which we fear are epidemic in his part of the America to reproach us with this fault, and country-and from which nothing is so likely though the ludicrous exaggeration of Mr. W.'s to deliver him, as a repetition of the same charge is sure very greatly to weaken his auremedy by which they were formerly removed. thority, still such an alarming catalogue of Let him come again then to England, and try our faults and follies may have some effect, the effect of a second course of "personal as a wholesome mortification of our vanity.experience and observation"-let him make It is with a view to its probable effect in his another pilgrimage to Mecca, and observe own country, and to his avowal of the effect whether his faith is not restored and confirmed he wishes it to produce there, that we consider let him, like the Indians of his own world, it as deserving of all reprobation ;-and thereVisit the Tombs of his Fathers in the old land, fore beg leave to make one or two very short and see whether he can there abjure the friend- remarks on its manifest injustice, and indeed ship of their other children? If he will ven- absurdity, in so far as relates to ourselves, and ture himself among us for another two years' that great majority of the country whom we residence, we can promise him that he will believe to concur in our sentiments. The obfind in substance the same England that he ject of this violent invective on England is, left:-Our laws and our landscapes-our in- according to the author's own admission, to dustry and urbanity;-our charities, our learn- excite a spirit of animosity in America, to ing, and our personal beauty, he will find meet and revenge that which other invectives unaltered and unimpaired;-and we think we on our part are said to indicate here; and also can even engage, that he shall find also a still to show the flagrant injustice and malignity greater "correspondence of feeling in the body of the said invectives:-And this is the shape of our People," and not a less disposition to of the argument-What right have you to welcome an accomplished stranger who comes abuse us for keeping and whipping slaves, to get rid of errors and prejudices, and to learn when you yourselves whip your soldiers, and -or, if he pleases, to teach, the great lessons were so slow to give up your slave trade, and of a generous and indulgent philanthropy. use your subjects so ill in India and Ireland? -or what right have you to call our Marshall a dull historian, when you have a Belsham and a Gifford who are still duller? Now, though this argument would never show that whipping slaves was a right thing, or that Mr. Marshall was not a dull writer, it might be a very smart and embarrassing retort to these among us who had defended our slave trade or our military floggings, or our treatment of Ireland and India-or who had held out Messrs. Belsham and Gifford as pattern historians, and ornaments of our national literature. But what meaning or effect can it have when addressed to those who have always testified against the wickedness and the folly of the practices complained of? and who have treated the Ultra-Whig and the Ultra-Tory historian with equal scorn and reproach? We have a right to censure cruelty and dulness abroad, because we have censured them with more and more frequent severity at home;--and their home existence, though it may prove indeed that our censures have not yet been effectual in producing amendment, can afford no sort of reason for not extending them where they might be more attended to.

We have done, however, with this topic.We have a considerable contempt for the argumentum ad hominem in any case-and have no desire to urge it further at present. The truth is, that neither of Mr. W's portraitures of us appears to be very accurate. We are painted en beau in the one, and en laid in the other. The particular traits in each may be given with tolerable truth-but the whole truth most certainly is to be found in neither; and it will not even do to take them together -any more than it would do to make a correct likeness, by patching or compounding together a flattering portrait and a monstrous caricature. We have but a word or two, indeed, to add on the general subject, before we take a final farewell of this discussion.

We admit, that many of the charges which Mr. W. has here made against our country, are justly made-and that for many of the things with which he has reproached us, there is just cause of reproach. It would be strange, indeed, if we were to do otherwise-considering that it is from our pages that he has on many occasions borrowed the charge and the reproach. If he had stated them therefore,

We have generally blamed what we thought worthy of blame in America, without any express reference to parallel cases in England, or any invidious comparisons. Their books we have criticised just as should have done those of any other country; and in speaki: g more generally of their literature and manners, we have rather brought them into competition with those of Europe in general, than those of our own country in particular. When we have made any comparative estimate of our own advantages and theirs, we can say with confidence, that it has been far oftener in their favour than against them; and, after repeatedly noticing their preferable condition as to taxes, elections, sufficiency of employment, public economy, freedom of publication, and many other points of paramount importance, it surely was but fair that we should notice, in their turn, those merits or advantages which might reasonably be claimed for ourselves, and bring into view our superiority in eminent authors, and the extinction and annihilation of slavery in every part of our realm.

against them, and feeling grateful to any fo reign auxiliary who will help us to reason, ta rail, or to shame our countrymen out of them. are willing occasionally to lend a similar assistance to others, and speak freely and fairly of what appear to us to be the faults and er rors, as well as the virtues and merits, of all who may be in any way affected by our ob servations;-or Mr. Walsh, who will admit ne faults in his own country, and no good qualities in ours-sets down the mere extension of our domestic censures to their corresponding objects abroad, to the score of national rancour and partiality; and can find no better use for those mutual admonitions, which should lead to mutual amendment or generous emulation, than to improve them into occasions of mutual animosity and deliberate hatred ?

This extreme impatience, even of merited blame from the mouth of a stranger-this still more extraordinary abstinence from any hist or acknowledgment of error on the part of her intelligent defender, is a trait too remarkable not to call for some observation;-and We would also remark, that while we have we think we can see in it one of the worst and thus praised America far more than we have most unfortunate consequences of a republican blamed her-and reproached ourselves far government. It is the misfortune of Sovemore bitterly than we have ever reproached reigns in general, that they are fed with flather, Mr. W., while he affects to be merely tery till they loathe the wholesome truth, and following our example, has heaped abuse on come to resent, as the bitterest of all offences, us without one grain of commendation-and any insinuation of their errors, or intimation praised his own country extravagantly, with- of their dangers. But of all sovereigns, the out admitting one fault or imperfection. Now, Sovereign People is most obnoxious to this corthis is not a fair way of retorting the proceed-ruption, and most fatally injured by its prevaings, even of the Quarterly; for they have lence. In America, every thing depends on occasionally given some praise to America, their suffrages, and their favour and support; and have constantly spoken ill enough of the and accordingly it would appear, that they are paupers, and radicals, and reformers of Eng- pampered with constant adulation, from the land. But as to us, and the great body of the rival suitors to their favour-so that no one nation which thinks with us, it is a proceeding will venture to tell them of their faults; and without the colour of justice or the shadow moralists, even of the austere character of of apology-and is not a less flagrant indica- Mr. W., dare not venture to whisper a syllable tion of impatience or bad humour, than the to their prejudice. It is thus, and thus only, marvellous assumption which runs through that we can account for the strange sensitivethe whole argument, that it is an unpardon-ness which seems to prevail among them on able insult and an injury to find any fault with any thing in America, must necessarily proceed from national spite and animosity, and affords, whether true or false, sufficient reason for endeavouring to excite a corresponding animosity against our nation. Such, however, is the scope and plan of Mr. W.'s whole work. Whenever he thinks that his country has been erroneously accused, he points out the error with sufficient keenness and asperity-but when he is aware that the imputation is just and unanswerable, instead of joining his rebuke or regret to those of her foreign censors, he turns fiercely and vindictively on the parallel infirmities of this country-as if those also had not been marked with reprobation, and without admitting that the censure was merited, or hoping that it might work amendment, complains in the bitterest terms of malignity, and arouses his country to revenge!

Which, then, we would ask, is the most fair and reasonable, or which the most truly patriotic? -We, who, admitting our own maniold faults and corruptions, testifying loudly

the lightest sound of disapprobation, and for the acrimony with which, what would pass anywhere else for very mild admonitions, are repelled and resented. It is obvious, however, that nothing can be so injurious to the character either of an individual or a nation, as this constant and paltry cockering of praise; and that the want of any native censor, makes it more a duty for the moralists of other countries to take them under their charge, and let them know now and then what other people think and say of them.

We are anxious to part with Mr. W. in good humour;-but we must say that we rather wish he would not go on with the work he has begun at least if it is to be pursued in the spirit which breathes in the part now before us. Nor is it so much to his polemic and vindictive tone that we object, as this tendency to adulation, this passionate, vapouring, thetorical style of amplifying and exaggerating the felicities of his country. In point of talent and knowledge and industry, we have no doubt that he is eminently qualified for the task—(though we must tell him that he does

not write so well now as when he left Eng-attach to their good opinion, and the anxiety land)—but no man will ever write a book of we feel to prevent any national repulsion from authority on the institutions and resources of being aggravated by a misapprehension of our his country, who does not add some of the sentiments, or rather of those of that great virtues of a Censor to those of a Patriot-or body of the English nation of which we are rather, who does not feel, that the noblest, as here the organ. In what we have now written, well as the most difficult part of patriotism is there may be much that requires explanation that which prefers his country's Good to its and much, we fear, that is liable to miscon Favour, and is more directed to reform its struction.-The spirit in which it is written, vices, than to cherish the pride of its virtues. however, cannot, we think, be misunderstood With foreign nations, too, this tone of fondness We cannot descend to little cavils and alterand self-admiration is always suspected; and cations; and have no leisure to maintain a most commonly ridiculous-while calm and controversy about words and phrases. We steady claims of merit, interspersed with ac- have an unfeigned respect and affection for knowledgments of faults, are sure to obtain the free people of America; and we mean credit, and to raise the estimation both of the honestly to pledge ourselves for that of the writer and of his country. The ridicule, too, better part of our own country. We are very which naturally attaches to this vehement self-proud of the extensive circulation of our Jourlaudation, must insensibly contract a darker shade of contempt, when it comes to be suspected that it does not proceed from mere honest vanity, but from a poor fear of giving offence to power-sheer want of courage, in short (in the wiser part at least of the population), to let their foolish AHMO know what in their hearts they think of him. And now we must at length close this very long article-the very length and earnestness of which, we hope, will go some way to satisfy our American brethren of the importance we

nal in that great country, and the importance that is there attached to it. But we should be undeserving of this favour, if we could submit to seek it by any mean practices, either of flattery or of dissimulation; and feel persuaded that we shall not only best deserve, but most surely obtain, the confidence and respect of Mr. W. and his countrymen, by speaking freely what we sincerely think of them, and treating them exactly as we treat that nation to which we are here accused of being too favourable.

(November, 1822.)

Bracebridge Hall; or, the Humorists. By GEOFFREY CRAYON, Gent. Author of "The Sketch Book," &c. 2 vols. 8vo. pp. 800. Murray. London: 1822.*

We have received so much pleasure from | with the same happy selection and limited this book, that we think ourselves bound in gratitude, as well as justice, to make a public acknowledgment of it,-and seek to repay, by a little kind notice, the great obligations we shall ever feel to the author. These amiable sentiments, however, we fear, will scarcely furnish us with materials for an interesting article; and we suspect we have not much else to say, that has not already occurred to most of our readers-or, indeed, been said by ourselves with reference to his former publication. For nothing in the world can be so complete as the identity of the author in these two productions-identity not of style merely and character, but of merit also, both in kind and degree, and in the sort and extent of popularity which that merit has created-not merely the same good sense and the same good humour directed to the same good ends, and

My heart is still so much in the subject of the preceding paper, that I am tempted to add this to it; chiefly for the sake of the powerful backing which my English exhortation to amity among brethren, is there shown to have received from the most amiable and elegant of American writers. I had said nearly the same things in a previous review of "The Sketch Book," and should have reprinted that article also, had it not been made up chiefly of extracts, with which I do not think it quite fair to l up this publication.

variety, but the same proportion of things that seem scarcely to depend on the individual— the same luck, as well as the same labour, and an equal share of felicities to enhance the fair returns of judicious industry. There are few things, we imagine, so rare as this sustained level of excellence in the works of a popular writer-or, at least, if it does exist now and then in rerum natura, there is scarcely any thing that is so seldom allowed. When an author has once gained a large share of public attention,-when his name is once up among a herd of idle readers, they can never be brought to believe that one who has risen so far can ever remain stationary. In their estimation, he must either rise farther, or be gin immediately to descend; so that, when he ventures before these prepossessed judges with a new work, it is always discovered, self, or, in the far greater number of cases, either that he has infinitely surpassed himthat there is a sad falling off, and that he is hastening to the end of his career. In this way it may in general be presumed, that an author who is admitted by the public not to have fallen off in a second work, has in reality improved upon his first; and has truly proved his title to a higher place, by merely maintaining that which he had formeriv