siderable time, the general sway of men pra fessing Tory principles; and their speedy res toration, when driven for a season from the places by disaster or general discontent: asd the Whigs, during the same period, must con tent themselves with preventing a great dea of evil, and seeing the good which they had suggested tardily and imperfectly effected, ty those who will take the credit of originating what they had long opposed, and only at last adopted with reluctance and on compulsion. It is not a very brilliant prospect, perhaps, not a very enviable lot. But we believe it to be what awaits us; and we embrace it, not chy cheerfully, but with thankfulness and pride thankfulness, that we are enabled to do even so much for the good and the liberties of our country—and pridė, that in thus seeking be service, we cannot well be suspected of selfish or mercenary views. Though it is natural enough, therefore, for those who hold extreme opinions, to depreciate the weight and power of those who take their station between them, it seems sufficiently certain, not only that their position must at all times be the safest and best, but that it is destined ultimately to draw to itself all that is truly of any considerable weight upon either hand; and that it is the feeling of the constant and growing force of this central attraction, that inflames the animosity of those whose importance would be lost by the convergence. For our own part, at least, we are satisfied, and we believe the party to which we belong is satisfied, both with the degree of influence and respect which we possess in the country, and with the prospects which, we think, upon reasonable grounds, we may entertain of its increase. In assuming to our selves the character of a middle party, we conceive that we are merely stating a fact, which cannot well be disputed on the present occasion, as it is assumed by both those who are now opposed to us, as the main ground of their common attack; and almost all that we have said follows as a necessary consequence of this assumption. From the very nature of the thing, we cannot go to either of the ex-aware of the hopelessness of their separate treme parties; and neither of them can make any movement to increase their popularity and substantial power, without coming nearer to us. It is but fair, however, before concluding, to state, that though we do occupy a position between the intolerant Tories and the thorough Reformers, we conceive that we are considerably nearer to the latter than to the former. In our principles, indeed, and the ends at which we aim, we do not materially differ from what is professed by the more sober among them; though we require more caution, more securities, more exceptions, more temper, and more time. That is the difference of our theories. In practice, we have no doubt, we shall all have time enough:-For it is the lot of England, we have little doubt, to be ruled in the main by what will be called a Tory party, for as long a period as we can now look forward to with any great distinctness-by a Tory party, however, restrained more and more in its propensities, by the growing influence of Whig principles, and the enlightened vigilance of that party, both in Parliament and out of it; and now and then admonished, by a temporary expulsion, of the necessity of a still greater conformity with the progress of liberal opintons, than could be spontaneously obtained. The inherent spirit, however, of monarchy, and the natural effect of long possession of nower, will secure, we apprehend, for a cor.. The thorough Reformers never can be in power in this country, but by means of an actual revolution. The Whigs may, and occasionally will, without any disturbance to its peace. But these occasions might be multiplied, and the good that must attend them accelerated and increased, if the Reformers, cause, would throw their weight into the scale of the Whigs, and so far modify their preten sions as to make it safe or practicable to sup port them. The Whigs, we have already said, cannot come to them; both because they hold some of their principles, and thei modes of asserting them, to be not merely a reasonable, but actually dangerous; and be cause, by their adoption, they would at once hazard much mischief, and unfit themselves for the good service they now perform. But the Reformers may very well come to the Whigs; both because they can practically do nothing (peaceably) for themselves, and be cause the measures which they might occa sionally enable the Whigs to carry, though not in their eyes unexceptionable or sufficient, must yet appear to them better than those of the Tories-which is the only attainable al ternative. This accordingly, we are persuaded, will ultimately be the result; and is al ready, we have no doubt, in a course of accomplishment; and, taken along with the gradual abandonment of all that is offensive in Tory pretensions, and the silent adop tion of most of the Whig principles, even by those who continue to disclaim the name, will effect almost all that sober lovers of their country can expect, for the security of het liberties, and the final extinction of all ex treme parties, in the liberal moderation of Whiggism. MISCELLANEOUS. (May, 1820.) An Appeal from the Judgments of Great Britain respecting the United States of America. Part First. Containing an Historical Outline of their Merits and Wrongs as Colonies, and Strictures on the Calumnies of British Writers. By ROBERT WALSH, Esq. 8vo. pp. 505. Philadelphia and London: 1819.* tions, or had any desire to lessen the just effect of his representations, it would have been enough for us, we believe, to have let them alone. For, without some such help as ours, the work really does not seem calculated to make any great impression in this quarter of the world. It is not only, as the author has himself ingenuously observed of it, a very "clumsy book," heavily written and abominably printed,-but the only material part of it ONE great staple of this book is a vehe-deed, on the score of this author's imputament, and, we really think, a singularly unust attack, on the principles of this Journal. Yet we take part, on the whole, with the author: and heartily wish him success in the great object of vindicating his country from unmerited aspersions, and trying to make us, in England, ashamed of the vices and defects which he has taken the trouble to point out in our national character and institutions. In this part of the design we cordially concur-and shall at all times be glad to co-operate. But there is another part of it, and we are sorry to say a principal and avowed part, of which we cannot speak in terms of too strong regret and reprobation--and that is, a design to excite and propagate among his countrymen, a general animosity to the British name, by way of counteracting, or rather revenging, the animosity which he very erroneously supposes to be generally entertained by the English against them. That this is, in itself, and under any circumstances, an unworthy, an unwise, and even a criminal object, we think we could demonstrate to the satisfaction of Mr. Walsh himself, and all his reasonable adherents; but it is better, perhaps, to endeavour, in the first place, to correct the misapprehensions, and dispel the delusions in which this disposition has its foundation, and, at all events, to set them the example of perfect good humour and fairness, in a discussion where the parties perhaps will never be entirely agreed; and where those who are now to be heard have the strongest conviction of having been injuriously misrepresented. If we felt any soreness, in -the only part about which anybody can now be supposed to care much, either here or in America - is overlaid and buried under a huge mass of historical compilation, which would have little chance of attracting readers at the present moment, even if much better digested than it is in the volume before us. The substantial question is, what has been the true character and condition of the United States since they became an independent nation, and what is likely to be their condition in future? And to elucidate this question, the learned author has thought fit to premise about two hundred very close-printed pages, upon their merits as colonies, and the harsh treatment they then received from the mother country! Of this large historical sketch, we cannot say, either that it is very correctly drawn, or very faithfully coloured. It presents us with no connected narrative, or inter esting deduction of events-but is, in truth, a mere heap of indigested quotations from com mon books, of good and bad authority-inartificially cemented together by a loose and angry commentary. We are not aware, indeed, that there are in this part of the work either any new statements, or any new views or opinions; the facts being mostly taken from Chalmers' Annals, and Burke's European Settlements; and the authorities for the good conduct and ill treatment of the colonies, being chiefly the Parliamentary Debates and Brougham's Colonial Policy. There is no one feeling-having public concerns for its object-with which I have been so long and so deeply impressed, as that of the vast importance of our maintaining friendly, and even cordial relations, with the free, powerful, moral, and industrious States of America :-a condition upon which I cannot help thinking that not only our own freedom and prosperity, but that of the better part But, in good truth, these historica. recollecof the world, will ultimately be found to be more tions will go but a little way in determining and more dependent. I give the first place, there- that great practical and most important quesfore, in this concluding division of the work. to an tion, which it is Mr. W.'s intention, as well earnest and somewhat importunate exhortation to this effect-which I believe produced some impres- as ours, to discuss-What are, and what ought zion at the time, and I trust may still help forward to be, the dispositions of England and Amerihe good end to which it was directed. ca towards each other? And the general facts 621 as to the first settlements and colonial history | ter the general feeling, and to keep alive the of the latter, in so far as they bear upon this memory of animosities that ought not to have question, really do not admit of much dispute. been so long remembered. At last came peace, The most important of those settlements were and the spirit, we verily believe, but unforunquestionably founded by the friends of civil | tunately not the prosperity of peace; and the and religious liberty-who, though somewhat distresses and commercial embarrassments of precise and puritanical, and we must add, not both countries threw both into bad humour; a little intolerant, were, in the main, a sturdy and unfortunately hurried both into a system and sagacious race of people, not readily to of jealous and illiberal policy, by which that be cajoled out of the blessings they had sought bad humour was aggravated, and received an through so many sacrifices; and ready at all unfortunate direction. times manfully and resolutely to assert them In this exasperated state of the national against all invaders. As to the mother coun- temper, and we do think, too much under its try, again, without claiming for her any ro- influence, Mr. Walsh has now thought him mantic tenderness or generosity towards those self called upon to vindicate his country from hardy offsets, we think we may say, that she the aspersions of English writers; and after oppressed and domineered over them much arraigning them, generally, of the most inless than any other modern nation has done credible ignorance, and atrocious malignity, over any such settlements-that she allowed he proceeds to state, that the EDINBURGH and them, for the most part, liberal charters and QUARTERLY Reviews, in particular, have been constitutions, and was kind enough to leave incessantly labouring to traduce the character them very much to themselves;—and although | of America, and have lately broken out into she did manifest, now and then, a disposition to encroach on their privileges, their rights were, on the whole, very tolerably respected -so that they grew up undoubtedly to a state of much prosperity and a familiarity with freedom in all its divisions, which was not only without parallel in any similar establishment, but probably would not have been attained had they been earlier left to their own guidance and protection. This is all that we ask for England, on a review of her colonial policy, and her conduct before the war; and this, we think, no candid and well-informed person can reasonably refuse her. such "excesses of obloquy," as can no longer be endured; and, in particular, that the pros pect of a large emigration to the United States has thrown us all into such "paroxysms of spite and jealousy," that we have engaged in a scheme of systematic defamation that sets truth and consistency alike at defiance. To counteract this nefarious scheme, Mr. W. has taken the field-not so much to refute as to retort—not for the purpose of pointing out our errors, or exposing our unfairness, but, rather, if we understand him aright, of retaliating on us the unjust abuse we have been so long pour ing on others. In his preface, accordingly, he fairly avows it to be his intention to act on the offensive-to carry the war into the enemy's quarters, and to make reprisals upon the honour and character of England, in revenge for the insults which, he will have it, her writers have heaped on his country. He therefore proposes to point out,-not the natural complexion, or genuine features, but the sores and blotches of the British nation," to the scorn and detestation of his countrymen; and having assumed, that it is the "intention of Great Britain to educate her youth in sentiments of the most rancorous hostility to Amer ica," he assures us, that this design will, and must be met with corresponding sentiments, on his side of the water! As to the War itself, the motives in which it originated, and the spirit in which it was carried on, it cannot now be necessary to say any thing or, at least, when we say that having once been begun, we think that it terminated as the friends of Justice and Liberty must have wished it to terminate, we conceive that Mr. Walsh can require no other explanation. That this result, however, should have left a soreness upon both sides, and especially on that which had not been soothed by success, is what all men must have expected. But, upon the whole, we firmly belive that this was far slighter and less durable than has generally been imagined; and was ikely very speedily to have been entirely effaced, by those ancient recollections of kind- Now, though we cannot applaud the gen ness and kindred which could not fail to recur, erosity, or even the common humanity of and by that still more powerful feeling, to these sentiments-though we think that the which every day was likely to add strength, American government and people, if at all of their common interests, as free and as com- deserving of the eulogy which Mr. W. has mercial countries, and of the substantial con- here bestowed upon them, might, like Cromformity of their national character, and of well, have felt themselves too strong to care their sentiments upon most topics of public about paper shot-and though we cannot but and of private right. The healing operation, feel that a more temperate and candid toue however, of these causes was unfortunately would have carried more weight, as well as thwarted and retarded by the heats that rose more magnanimity with it, we must yet begin out of the French revolution, and the new in- by admitting, that America has cause of com terests and new relations which it appeared plaint;-and that nothing can be more despi for a time to create:-And the hostilities in cable and disgusting, than the scurrility with which we were at last involved with America which she has been assailed by a portion of herself-though the opinions of her people, as the press of this country-and that, disgrace well as our own, were deeply divided upon ful as these publications are, they speak the both questions-served still further to embit-se if not of a considerable, at least of a conspicuous and active party in the nation.* All this, and more than this, we have no wish, and no intention to deny. But we do wish most anxiously to impress upon Mr. W. and his adherents, to beware how they believe that this party speaks the sense of the British Nation-or that their sentiments on this, or on many other occasions, are in any degree in accordance with those of the great body of our people. On the contrary, we are firmly persuaded that a very large majority of the nation, numerically considered, and a still larger majority of the intelligent and enlightened persons whose influence and authority cannot fail in the long run to govern her councils, would disclaim all sympathy with any part of these opinions; and actually look on the miserable libels in question, not only with the scorn and disgust to which Mr. W. would consign them, but with a sense of shame from which his situation fortunately exempts him, and a sorrow and regret, of which unfortunately he seems too little susceptible. ceived under ou protection, as a refuge from It is a fact which can require no proof, even in America, that there is a party in this country not friendly to political liberty, and decidedly hostile to all extension of popular rights, -which, if it does not grudge to its own people the powers and privileges which are be- That there are journals in this country, and stowed on them by the Constitution, is at least journals too of great and deserved reputation for confining their exercise within the narrow-in other respects, who have spoken the lan est limits-which never thinks the peace and guage of the party we have now described, well-being of society in danger from any thing and that in a tone of singular intemperance but popular encroachments, and holds the and offence, we most readily admit. But need only safe or desirable government to be that we tell Mr. W., or any ordinarily well-inof a pretty pure and unincumbered Monarchy, formed individual of his countrymen, that supported by a vast revenue and a powerful neither this party nor their journalists can be army, and obeyed by a people just enlightened allowed to stand for the People of England? enough to be orderly and industrious, but no-that it is notorious that there is among that way curious as to questions of right-and never presuming to judge of the conduct of their superiors. Now, it is quite true that this Party dislikes Anerica, and is apt enough to decry and insult her. Its adherents never have forgiven the success of her war of independence-the loss of a nominal sovereignty, or perhaps of a real power of vexing and oppressing-her supposed rivalry in trade-and, above all, the happiness and tranquilly which she now enjoys under a republican form of government. Such a spectacle of democratical prosperity is unspeakably mortifying to their high monarchical principles, and is easily imagined to be dangerous to their security. Their first wish, and, for a time, their darling hope, was, that the infant States would quarrel among themselves, and be thankful to be again re people another and a far more numerous party, whose sentiments are at all points opposed to those of the former, and who are, by necessary consequence, friends to America, and to all that Americans most value in their character and institutions-who, as Englishmen, are more proud to have great and glorious nations descended from them, than to have discontented colonies uselessly subjected to their caprice-who, as Freemen rejoice to see freedom advancing, with giant footsteps, over the fairest regions of the earth, and na tions flourishing exactly in proportion as they are free-and to know that when the drivelling advocates of hierarchy and legitimacy vent their paltry sophistries with some shadow of plausibility on the history of the Old World, they can now turn with decisive triumph to the unequivocal example of the New-and demonstrate the unspeakable advantages of Things are much mended in this respect since free government, by the unprecedented pros1820; persons of rank and influence in this country perity of America? Such persons, too, can now speaking of America, in private as well as in be as little suspected of entertaining any public, with infinitely greater respect and friendliness than was then common; and evincing. I think, jealousy of the commercial prosperity of the a more general desire to be courteous to individuals Americans as of their political freedom; since of that nation, than to foreigners of any other de- it requires but a very moderate share of un scription. There are still, however, publications derstanding to see, that the advantages of among us, and some proceeding from quarters trade must always be mutual and reciprocal where I should not have looked for them, that con--that one great trading country is of necessity tinue to keep up the tone alluded to in the text, and consequently to do mischief, which it is still a duty the best customer to another-ard that the trade of America, consisting chiefly in the ex therefore to endeavour to counteract. portation of raw produce and the importation he now complains for his country-and tha from the same party scribblers, with whor, we are here, somewhat absurdly, confounded and supposed to be leagued. It is really, we think, some little presumption of our fairness. that the accusations against us should be this of manufactured commodities, is, of all others, the most beneficial to a country like England. That such sentiments were naturally to be expected in a country circumstanced like England, no thinking man will deny. But Mr. Walsh has been himself among us; and contradictory-and that for one and the same was, we have reason to believe, no idle or in- set of writings, we should be denounced by curious observer of our men and cities; and the ultra-royalists of England as little better we appeal with confidence to him, whether than American republicans, and by the ultra these were not the prevailing sentiments patriots of America as the jealous defamers among the intelligent and well educated of of her Freedom. every degree? If he thinks as we do, as to their soundness and importance, he cannot well doubt that they must sooner or later influence the conduct even of our Court and Cabinet. But, in the mean time, the fact is certain, that the opposite sentiments are confined to a very small portion of the people of Great Britain-and that the course of events, as well as the force of reason, is every day bringing them more and more into discredit. Where then, we would ask, is the justice or the policy of seeking to render a quarrel National, when the cause of quarrel is only with an inconsiderable and declining party of the nation?—and why labour to excite animosity against a whole people, the majority of whom are, and must be, your sincere friends, merely because some prejudiced or interested persons among them have disgusted the great body of their own countrymen, by the senselessness and scurrility of their attacks upon yours? This, however, is of very little consequence. What we wish to impress on Mr. W. is, that they who daily traduce the largest and ablest part of the English nation, cannot possibly be supposed to speak the sense of that nationand that their offences ought not, in reason. te be imputed to her. If there be any reliance on the principles of human nature, the friends of liberty in England must rejoice in the pros perity of America. Every selfish, concurs with every generous motive, to add strength to this sympathy; and if any thing is certa in our late internal history, it is that the friends of liberty are rapidly increasing amorg us;-partly from increased intelligence — partly from increased suffering and impa tience-partly from mature conviction, and instinctive prudence and fear. There is another consideration, also arising from the aspect of the times before us, which should go far, we think, at the present mo ment, to strengthen those bonds of affinity. The Americans are extremely mistaken, It is impossible to look to the state of the Od too, if they suppose that they are the only World without seeing, or rather feeling, that persons who are abused by the only party that there is a greater and more momentous con does abuse them. They have merely their test impending, than ever before agitated share of that abuse along with all the friends human society. In Germany-in Spain-laand the advocates of Liberty in every part of France-in Italy, the principles of Reform the world. The Constitutionalists of France, and Liberty are visibly arraying themselves including the King and many of his ministers, for a final struggle with the principles of E meet with no better treatment;-and those tablished Abuse,-Legitimacy, or Tyrannywho hold liberal opinions in this country, are or whatever else it is called, by its friends or assailed with still greater acrimony and fierce- enemies. Even in England, the more mod ness. Let Mr. Walsh only look to the lan-fied elements of the same principles are stiguage held by our ministerial journals for the last twelvemonth, on the subjects of Reform and Alarm-and observe in what way not only the whole class of our own reformers and conciliators, but the names and persons of such men as Lords Lansdowne, Grey, Fitzwilliam, and Erskine, Sir James Mackintosh, and Messrs. Brougham, Lambton, Tierney, and others, are dealt with by these national oracles, —and he will be satisfied that his countrymen neither stand alone in the misfortune of which he complains so bitterly, nor are subjected to it in very bad company. We, too, he may probably be aware, have had our portion of the abuse which he seems to think reserved for America-and, what is a little remarkable, for being too much her advocate. For what we have said of her present power and future greatness-her wisdom in peace and her valour in war-and of all the invaluable advantages of her representative system—her freedom from taxes, sinecures, and standing armies-we have been subjected to far more virulent attacks than any of which ring and heaving, around, above and beneath and |