a con with the same harmony after the pres- | The natives of that country were not only sure of the events just narrated had gone subjugated, but still treated as by. They had passed several useful laws, quered people; no measures were used abolishing the Star Chamber and High to unite them with the English, nor to Commission Courts, and removing many bring them over to the Protestant faith. vexatious and illegal transactions. The As Papists, and an oppressed race, they king hesitated long enough to show that determined, if possible, to throw off the these laws were carried against his will, and English yoke, and the differences between thus he unhappily managed to lose the Charles and his parliament facilitated credit of what really were needful and their enterprise; while his insincerity in popular concessions. The king's consent withholding the favours he promised at was also obtained to a law, that in future, the beginning of his reign, gave imparliaments should at least be held every mediate cause for discontent, although third year; but they also obtained another, the successors of Strafford had reduced by which the present parliament could not the taxes, and stopped the proceedings be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, for seizing estates. In October, 1641, without the consent of both Lords and there was a general insurrection, with a Commons. This was certainly an infringe- massacre of the Protestants. The arment of the constitution; and though the rangements for this had been instigated arbitrary conduct of the king supplied a by the priests, who induced Roger Moore pretext for such a course, yet it did not and Plunket, two influential characters, justify a measure which destroyed the to persuade Sir Phelim O'Neal and Lord balance of power. There might be ne- M'Guire, two violent native chieftains, to cessity to protect the nation from an ill- plan and head the revolt. The insurgents judged and rash attempt of the king to were disappointed in their attempt to dissolve this parliament, like the pre- seize Dublin and some of the northern ceding one; but a limited period would towns, information being given at the have been a sufficient protection to the critical moment, by a drunken conparliament, without placing the members spirator; but the open country was in as governors, who could not be removed possession of the rebellious Irish, and the till they chose to abandon their power; a most horrid atrocities were committed on result not soon to be expected. This the peaceful English settlers. All the act received the king's assent with that acts of cruelty which stain the pages for the attainder of Strafford. of history in recording the crusades of Popery against the Waldenses and Albigenses, as well as in other similar proceedings, were committed by the Irish papists in this insurrection; acts at which the civilized mind sickens, but which the unrenewed heart of man has ferocity enough to perpetrate. On the lowest reasonable computation, fifty thousand Protestants were thus murdered. The Lords resisted some of the acts of the Commons, and refused to consent to the abolition of episcopacy, or to exclude the bishops from the House of Peers. The king encouraged these differences, and being aware that his supporters in Scotland were becoming more powerful, in August, 1641, as soon as the armies were ordered to be disbanded, he proceeded to Edinburgh, for his presence seemed necessary to save the earl of Montrose and some others, who, after being among the supporters of the covenant, had lately corresponded with the king, and were then prisoners for so doing. Nothing satisfactory resulted from the royal visit to Scotland: the adherence of Montrose to the king's cause was followed by the defection of the marquis of Hamilton, who had long been chief adviser on northern affairs. In October, the king found himself obliged to consent to the division of the bishops' lands, and to grant honours to some of the popular leaders. While the king was in Scotland, a most atrocious conspiracy ripened in Ireland: For a to carry on what was needful. time, Charles seemed to have gained some popularity; or rather, the parliamentary leaders were unfavourably looked upon, in consequence of their actions; and they saw that farther agitation was necessary to enable them to regain the power they had assumed. A remonstrance on the state of the nation was prepared, calculated to keep up the popular excitement. This was only carried after an unprecedented debate of fifteen hours, lasting till midnight, when many of the members had been worn out and retired. Also the king's message respecting the rebellion in Ireland gave a pretext for assuming the direction of the army. Many of the acts of the king and his advisers were infatuated; his opponents took advantage of this, pressing on with firmness their measures against his authority. The king several times interfered with the proceedings of the House of Commons by direct messages, while the parliamentary leaders encouraged the populace to assemble in crowds, threatening and insulting their opponents. This was complained of, but Pym insisted that the people should not be hindered from obtaining their just desires in that way. At length, wearied by their repeated insults, twelve of the bishops declared that they could not safely attend in the House of Lords, and therefore they would in future absent themselves, protesting that all things done in their absence would be illegal. Their attempt thus to claim the power of exercising a veto upon all measures, and to assume power to check the government of the country, was absurd and impracticable: it brought on them an impeachment for treason, and they were sent to the Tower. Their imprisonment, and renewed threats against the queen, induced the king to make a hasty retort a few days afterwards. He impeached five leading commoners, Pym, Holles, Haslerig, Hampden, and Stroud, also lord Kimbolton, all active opponents of the crown. While the Houses were debating on the novelty of a royal impeachment, the king sent an officer to seal the desks and papers of the accused, and ordered a sergeant at arms to demand the five commoners at the bar of the House. They were not given up, but an answer was sent, that they should be made accountable to any legal charge. After a short deliberation, the king resolved to press the matter, and if successful, he would have thereby strength ened his supporters. He went to the House, attended by some hundreds of his guards and officers, and taking the speaker's chair, demanded that the accused should be given up to him. But his intention had been betrayed by the French ambassador, and the countess of Carlisle the five members had warning, which enabled them to leave the House before the king entered. Finding, as he said, "the birds were flown," he retired, but not till the speaker had refused to answer his inquiries, kneeling before him, and saying he had only eyes to see and tongue to speak, as directed by the House; and the word "Privilege was repeated loudly as the monarch withdrew. The attendants, meanwhile, showed a readiness to use force, if commanded to do so. Lord Digby was said to have been the chief adviser in this attempt; it was made without the knowledge of lords Falkland and Hyde, two moderate leaders of the popular party, who had lately been taken into the king's council, and wholly disapproved the proceeding. On Ja Immediately after the king's departure, the Houses adjourned for a week. During this interval, matters were arranged to gain advantage by the inconsiderate attempt. The king went the next day to Guildhall, and endeavoured to conciliate the popular feeling, while he expressed his desire that the accused should be sought for, but was received with murmurs, and cries of "Privilege." nuary 11, the five members proceeded to Westminster, and resumed their places, guarded by a large number of armed supporters, who insulted the king as they passed the palace. The royal family, however, had gone to Hampton Court the day before, and a few days afterwards proceeded to Windsor. The king then offered to give up all proceedings against the members; this thorough retraction only encouraged the parliamentary leaders, and they demanded that the king's advisers in this breach of privilege should be given up. The king refused, and ordered that all their demands relative to church and state should be at once mentioned. The Lords expressed satisfaction, but in the Commons Pym did not hesitate to accuse the king of having authorized some persons to go to Ireland and head the rebels. By this time, the popular leaders had determined to prostrate the royal authority; but a full disclosure of their is wearisome and painful, with the light we now possess, as to the actual motives and designs of all parties. designs would have been premature; | they required, as a preliminary, that the command of the army and navy should be committed to officers chosen by the A civil war was evidently near at Parliament. At this period, the secret hand; the king negotiated with foreign counsels of each party were often be- powers; for which purpose the queen trayed to the other, and each was fre- went to the Continent, taking with her quently led into measures injurious to it- the crown jewels to raise money by self. By such treacherous advice, or perhaps pledging them. Charles, after firmly reby that of his own friends, the king was in- fusing to grant the parliament authority duced to adopt as a principle, that what- to direct the militia, then almost the only ever was contrary to the original constitu- armed force of the nation, withdrew to tion of the kingdom, though agreed to by the northern counties, taking up his rehim, was not binding on him. Under sidence at York, about the latter end of this fallacious view, Charles consented to March. Here he found a pleasant change many things, being secretly resolved to from the scenes recently witnessed in set them aside on the first opportunity; London; and, instead of insults from the while his opponents gained strength at mob, loyal addresses were presented, the moment by his acceding to their de- while the nobility and gentry assembled mands, and were on their guard against around him. From time to time accounts trusting his compliance. This accounts of what passed in the Houses, with obfor the king granting several demands of servations upon their proceedings, were Parliament at this time. He consented written by Hyde; the despatches were that the Parliament should levy soldiers sent from one house to another, by genfor the Irish war; that the bishops should tlemen attached to the king, who had lose their seats in the House of Lords; horsemen ready to forward them imme(this was advised by the queen, who, as a diately they were received. A main obPapist, was quite willing to lower the Pro-ject of the king's northern journey failed; testant hierarchy;) to leave the Parlia- this was the possession of Hull, stored ment to settle the liturgy; never to stop with large supplies of arms and ammuthe execution of the laws against Papists; nition, when the army was disbanded. and to approve the commanders of the The duke of York, and his cousin prince army nominated to him, while he desired Rupert, were received with much respect that the unusual powers to be exercised by the governor, sir John Hotham, who by the latter might first be given to him, was informed the next morning, April 23, that he might grant them. Determined, that the king himself meant to dine there. however, to quarrel with the king, his But Hotham was also secretly informed, opposers seized upon this last request, that the king designed to seize the place, and treating it as annulling their desire, and order his execution. When Charles voted that his advisers were enemies to appeared, the drawbridge was raised and the state; and early in March, by an or- entrance refused; he had no resource dinance of their own, appointed lieute- but to retire, and pronounce Hotham a nants to more than fifty districts, with traitor. full power to nominate inferior officers, and to suppress any insurrections or invasions. Here was a direct infringement of the constitutional authority of the monarch. | The parliament resented this attempt of the king, and manifestos appeared on each side; but the discussion was of little moment in itself. The king and the Commons were now openly opposed, and During the preceding months, till the the latter urged forward large preparaking left Whitehall, the palace and houses tions for warfare, calling out the militia of parliament had been continually beset by their own authority in May: the by tumultuary crowds, threatening vio-king also ordered levies in every county. lence to all who opposed the popular proceedings. A long series of papers was issued, both by the king and the parliament, full of discussions and allegations on the subjects in dispute, in which victory rather than truth was sought on both sides. For the particulars, the reader must be referred to larger histories and memorials of that period; but the perusal The Selden in vain showed, that both the ers were most powerful; in the midland and northern counties, the royal cause was best maintained. Many of the peers speedily joined the king at York; among them the lord keeper, who sent the great seal thither before him. Farther negotiations were pursued, each party requiring what the other would not grant; till, in the end of July, matters were brought to a crisis, by the refusal of colonel Goring, the governor of Portsmouth, to obey the orders of the parliament, which was followed by the appearance of the earl of Essex, with a body of troops to enforce their commands. This assumption of power was founded on the protest already mentioned, first made by the houses of parliament, and then required to be generally taken, by which all were engaged to maintain the power and privilege of parliament. To refuse compliance with any ordinance of the Houses was called delinquency; and thus all who opposed the proceedings or mandates of the parliamentary leaders, were subjected to fines and imprisonment as delinquents. The king pronounced Essex and his officers to be traitors if they did not return home, while the parliament denounced that proclamation and its advisers. Upon this, Charles resolved to take the field, and summoned all his subjects to the north of the Trent, or within twenty miles of its southern bank, to meet him at Nottingham, on August 22, where he determined to raise his standard. This ceremony, which was an open declaration of hostilities, is thus described by Clarendon. According to the proclamation, upon the 25th day of August, the standard was erected about six of the clock in the evening of a very stormy and tempestuous day. The king himself, with a small train, rode to the top of Castle hill; Varney, the knight marshal, who was standard bearer, carrying the standard, which was then erected in that place, with little other ceremony than the sound of drums and trumpets. Melancholy men observed many ill presages about that time. There was not one regiment of foot yet brought hither; so that the trained bands, which the sheriff had drawn together, were all the strength the king had for his person, and the guard of his standard. There appeared no conflux of men in obedience to the proclamation; the arms and ammunition were not yet come from York; and a general sadness covered the whole town. The standard was blown down the same night it had been set up, by a very strong and unruly wind, and could not be fixed again in a day or two, till the tempest was allayed. This was the melancholy state of the king's affairs when the standard was set up.' The occurrences of the days immediately preceding this event, had shown the determination of the parliamentarians. On August 15, Hampden arrayed the militia of Buckinghamshire on their behalf; on the 28th, the gates of Coventry were closed against the king; on the 21st, Dover Castle was seized for the parliament. Thus England was once more the seat of civil warfare; the highest power of the state, the monarch, was on the one side; against him was arrayed the great mass of his subjects, represented by the House of Commons, or, according to the appellation it assumed, "The Parliament." The House of Lords was divided; the king's supporters having retired to York: in fact, it no longer had authority as a legislative body. The greater part of the nobles adhered to the crown, but some joined the popular cause. Coming events, we have already said, cast their shadows before, and the general feeling respecting the unhappy monarch, strongly is expressed by a female, and contemporary, the wife of the well-known governor of Nottingham Castle. "He made no conscience of granting aniething to the people, which he resolved should not obliege him longer than it should serve his turn; for he was a prince that had nothing of faith or truth, justice or generosity, in him. He was the most obstinate person in his selfwill that ever was; and so bent upon being an absolute uncontrolable soveraigne, that he was resolved either to be such a king or none. ."* Though the portrait is too highly coloured, the outline may be deemed correct. The words of holy writ are, The king that faithfully judgeth the poor, It is obvious, that more is here meant than the personally deciding with impartiality in personal matters brought before him. No monarch can so enter into the judicial proceedings of his land, as to de cide every cause; his attention must rather be directed to those general principles, and measures of general utility, which bear upon the welfare of his people * Lucy Hutchinson's Memoirs of her Husband, Colonel Hutchinson. at large. Here king Charles I. was lamentably deficient: without in the least palliating the conduct of his opponents, it is evident, that through his whole course he mainly regarded himself and his requirements as a king, and holy writ has told us, that no man "liveth to himself," Rom. xiv. 7: none do so without painful results. THE DEPENDENCE OF ONE CLASS OF SOCIETY ON THE OTHER. : THE mutual relationship and dependence of those who constitute the body politic, and who, when regarded in this point of view, may be resolved into the two general classes of governors and governed, is easily demonstrable by such a plain and simple process of reasoning as that which follows. The body of man, from its liability to be affected by hunger and cold, stands in need of food and raiment. With these, the Indian or the savage, who is content to eat the flesh, and wear the skins of the animals he shoots or spears in the thicket or forest, can supply himself. But the inhabitants of civilized countries, like our own, commonly obtain their food and clothing by purchase. There is no purchasing either the necessaries or the comforts of life without money and unless this be possessed, as in the case of those who are usually denominated rich by right of inheritance, it must be acquired, as in the case of the poor, by individual or relative exertion. Both rich and poor, however, need protection, more than themselves can furnish, from the attacks of ruthless violence: the rich, that they may keep possession of what they have inherited from their forefathers; and the poor, that their persons may be unmolested whilst they are engaged in earning a subsistence for themselves and their families. This protection of property and person, from the robber or plunderer, and the mischievously disposed, is afforded to rich and poor alike, by the laws of their country, which, for this purpose, impose restraints, and threaten penalties. But the laws of a country, in order to become efficient as the means of yielding protection, must be duly administered and enforced. The administration of law devolves upon the executive government. And in return for the protection afforded both to rich and poor by a due administration of the laws, such a government is justly entitled to support from those under its superintendence. As the circumstances of the case thus establish a mutual relationship between the governed and their governors, so likewise do they render them dependent upon each other; and as the governed cannot say to their governors, We have no need of your protection; so neither can rulers say to those under their jurisdiction, We have no need of your attachment and support. And since a similar relationship exists among the members of the social body, there also is a similar state of dependence observable. The mechanic and the labourer are dependent upon their employers for the means of earning a livelihood; and their employers are dependent upon the mechanic and the labourer for the manufacture of their goods, and the cultivation of their lands. The manufacturer is dependent upon the merchant for the vending of his wares; and the merchant is dependent upon the manufacturer for a proper quantity of merchandize. England, as a commercial nation, is dependent upon the demands of foreign states for the disposal of a large proportion of her manufactures; and the countries whose markets are chiefly supplied by exports from Britain, are dependent upon her for the various articles of merchandize they require. The agriculturist is dependent upon the public at large for the consumption of his grain; and the consuming public are dependent upon the agriculturist for a plentiful supply of produce. The poor are dependent upon the rich for the distribution of their wealth, that they may have wherewith to purchase food and clothing; and the rich are dependent upon the poor for the comforts and conveniences they derive from the skill of artisans and servants. Tradesmen and workpeople, and, indeed, all ranks in society, the higher as well as the lower, are dependent upon those belonging to the learned and scientific professions for the valuable and beneficial exercise of their varied talents; and the members of these professions are dependent upon those who employ them, for the emolument by which they are enabled to support themselves, and maintain their respectability. Nor is this social dependence merely reciprocal. It extends throughout the whole community; so that those of one class cannot say to any of the other classes around them, We have no need of you. The correctness of this statement may be shown by the familiar illustration which the materials and making of a |