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name promifed foon in a brilliant glory to irradiate her head: but the fair profpect is diffipated, like a vapoury illufion, and dim clouds darken the declining fun.

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What is patriotifm? Is it a narrow affection for the spot where a man was born? Are the very clods where we tread entitled to this ardent preference because they are greener? No; this is not the character of the virtue, and it foars higher for its object. It is an extended felf-love, mingling with all the enjoyments of life and twifting itself with the minuteft filaments of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of fociety, because they are the laws of virtue. their authority we fee, not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our country's honour. Every good citizen makes that honour his own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as facred. He is willing to rifk his life in its defence, and is confcious that he gains protection while he gives it. For what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable when a state renounces the principles that conftitute their fecurity? Or, if his life fhould not be invaded, what would its enjoyments be in a country odious in the eyes of ftrangers and dishonoured in his own? Could he look with affection and veneration to fuch a country as his parent? The fenfe of having one would die within him, he would blush for his patriotism, if he retained any, and justly, for it would be a vice. He would be a banished man in his native land.'

"The conclufion which obtrudes itfelf upon me, of the natural effects of all these causes, I have long endeavoured to fufpend. The government, though feeble, might have had fufficient energy imparted to it for felf-prefervation, the protection of its friends and the punishment of its enemies; the tide of depravity might then have been turned, and the moral character we derived from our ancestors retrieved. A war with France, a long, obftinate, and bloody war,' could alone effect this. Peace, peace; let us have peace, is now the cry, and peace we are to have. It is a peace of which I will never partake. It is a potion which fhall never pollute my lips. The world is rifing in arms against that infernal nation-the Perihelion of her glory is fet for ever-and the tempeft of diffolution gathers round the head. She is going down in the vortex of her own folly; may the Eternal preferve America from going down along with her!

But the hope is vain; the leagues between Shaddai and Diabolus, not more furely endangered the kingdom of Manfoul, than peace with the French Republic jeopardizes the existence of America.

Thus obfcured as the general profpect is, deeper glooms hang on minuter parts of it. Here a train of thought unfolds itself which has been often exhaufted in vain, because it has paffed as the appeal of a party interested, in a cafe wherein each man appealed to is willing to believe himself uninterested. I fhall not renew it.

I no longer behold, when I look around me, any thing of much moment to struggle for. A country over-run by turbulence and faction, a government like a reed fhaken by the wind; the people split into two deadly parties, whofe impending collifion muft as furely pro

duce

duce bloodshed and mifery, as that of flint and fteel émits' the spark. Here were a profpect to bind the hand and heart of every true man, did not the melancholy fact exift that no prize can refult from the ftruggle. To fight without a leader, and without an adequate object, is furely a defperate contest.

On whatever fidé I turn my eyes, I behold all full of defolation and difmay. An enemy whofe determined intentions no facrifice can appeafe, no humiliation can charm, approaches in the fecrecy and darkness of the night, to profane the ark of our fafety with his lewd rites and unhallowed orgies. The wind on which he rides even now howls loud in our ears, the fea darkly tumbles beneath the blast, and the roaring waves climb against our rocks. His devoted prey (as if fafcinated by his power, and doomed to thraldom,) in offenfive fecurity and repofe, forming arithmetical calculations of the cost of submiffion, and the cost of refiftance; and while by accurate fubtraction they thus arrange the mighty points, indicating the means and the incitement that are wanted, to an enemy who waits only to fecure the first, to make a divifion of the laft; of friends, flaming, and unquenchable jealoufy; of enemies, boundless confidence and truft; of ourselves and our own energies, ineffable contempt of the intruders, respect and reverential awe---fuch are the portentous enfigns we difplay from our battlements, fuch the centinels we ftation on our watch-towers.

The fun of federalism is faft retiring behind the clouds of turbulence and treafon. Those who have fo long been warmed by its genial influence, wafte in ftupid adorations the allotted period of its falvation. In a little while it may be feen no more, and perhaps thefe accents of expoftulation, in which, with all the impreffions of long habit and ftrong attachment full upon me, I now dwell with mixed emotions of complacency and regret, are the very laft that will be heard. The abfurd tenet of the Moflems, feems here to reign in its greatest vigour, and men, affecting to believe that the Eternal has, in his chancery, recorded a favourable ifsue to every crifis they may be driven to, wrap themfelves in mulith contentment, and cry let us hope for the best. Hope is, indeed, the anchor of the foul; but when men avail themselves of no other fource of reliance, even that hope whereon they reft their fafety may lead them into hopeless calamity.

With regard to the opinions on which I ground my measures, I am for myself a fufficient judge. I aflign them here as an explanation of the views which actuate me, and without the hope or with to incline any other perfon to the fame fentiments.

There are perfons who will fmile, and fay, I want firmness. I fhall fet up no defence; for it is extremely unimportant whether I want or poffefs it; fince even if I were convicted of the want, it will be confeffed, that what I poffefs has been fufficiently put to the test. It is an high fatisfaction to me that, in the ftep I have thought fit to take, I leave at his poft a man whofe firmnefs (to renew the prostituted term) has stood a thousand times greater trials than mine, and whom not all the hell of democracy, in arms, could divest from

his duty, or terrify into apprehenfion. In him I beheld an illustrious object of public countenance and fupport-not the paltry support of a fubfcription, or a fcanty advertisement now and then (for which the bill is perhaps even contested) but that fupport in profit and in lofs,' in perils and in hazards, and the jeopardy of life, which refolved to ftand or fall by him, can enable him to advance up manfully to all the world, the fcourge of impofture, the detector and dread of mock patriots and demagogues, and the deftroyer of democratic ufurpers and tyrants.

It is not by fubfcriptions to newspapers that a caufe is maintained, in any refpect. In regard to the printer, the profits of the moft numerous fubfcription are but a poor alleviation of the toils of his course of life, and, befides, being a thing covertly done, it adds no real weight of countenance or fupport. His principles, where they are right, fhould be avowed openly, and as openly fupported; and every man who feels their juftice is bound to add the public fanction of his name and weight of character to them by every means in his power. This is real fupport, there is fomething folid in this-and if the friends to government could by any means be rouzed to this kind of conduct and action, I do not foresee what could prevent its being `very efficacious.

Though I wish to be confidered as relinquishing all intereft or concern in the Gazette from this day, I fhall nevertheless give directions to have it continued until the papers which are paid for in advance fhall be fupplied.

The very great encouragement I have received, and the very civil compliments with which feveral gentlemen have obligingly ho noured me, would have been flattering in any other cafe than one where I was ftruggling against my health, permanent interest and inclination, from a fenfe of public duty.

I fincerely pray that my country may be crowned with glory and happiness-that the may eftablifh her fecurity and honour ;-and that an abler advocate may rife after me, to vindicate her fame.

JOHN WARD FENNO."

We shall now give the extract from PORCUPINE'S GAZETTE, which ftrongly corroborates the statement of Mr. Fenno.

"This fpirited production, to which, without a moment's hefitation, I gave my inoft unqualified approbation, I am glad to hear approved of by every man of fenfe and candour. The following remarks on it are taken from the Daily Advertifer, the best public print in New-York. If any thing can fave this country, it must be a general adoption of Mr. Fenno's opinions; for, until men fee their danger, there can be no hope that they will take measures to avoid it.

One thing above all others merits the attention of those who wish to fave their country, and that is, the conflicting powers of the government; for I affert, with the greatest confidence, that if men continue much longer exposed to STATE PERSECUTION for their attachment to the Federal government, that government must fall.---Mr.

Fenno's

Fenno's view is a hafty sketch, a mere outline: had he entered into a detail under the different heads, what a picture, my God! might he have exhibited!-But, I detain the reader too long from Mr. Snowden's remarks.

In the laft Gazette of the United States there appears a long addrefs of the editor, Mr. J. W. Fenno. Ir contains fome political obfervations, which are, though new and bold, founded on the foundeft principles of reafon, and fanctioned by the deareft teftimony of history. If it is wholly his production (and we know not why we should doubt it) he has difcovered a reach of thought, and maturity of judge. ment, far beyond what is common at his age, or, indeed, at any period of his life-his remarks on our general and fhameful deficiency in moral and religious habits, are as juft as they are alarming. His ftrictures on the weakness and inefficiency of government merit the ferious confideration of every good citizen. While thofe on our want of a national character, national views, and national attachments, though fomewhat harsh, must be confeffed to be in a confiderable degree warranted by facts. After dwelling on these topics, the import ance of which he complains, he has long unfuccefsfully laboured to impress on the public mind, and speaking of the difficulties that the conductor of a paper is obliged to encounter, he expreffes his determination to relinquifh his fituation. We exprefs our fincereft regret at this determination-for the Gazette of the United States has, fince its commencement, been uniformly and firmly devoted to the cause of government, and to the fupport of the choiceft interests of the people. Invariably influenced by fuch principles, and being the depofitory of political writers of the first rank in our country, and, confequently, a valuable fource of literary and other intelligence, it has acquired universal and deserved celebrity. The lovers of useful knowledge, and the friends of good government will, therefore, feel little pleasure at the profpect of its diffolution.'

Thefe Remarks may ferve as an answer to the small federalifts and mongrel critics of Philadelphia, the former of whom inveigh against the opinions of Mr. Fenno, while the latter direct their im. potent attacks at his ftyle. His opinions are all correct, and the only fault which appears in his ftyle is precifely that fault, which is ever the concomitant of blooming genius. But, why do not thofe, who difapprove of this performance, reply to it? If the author's opinions are unfounded and dangerous, they certainly ought to be combated publicly if his reprobators decline the conteft from idleness, they must be deftitute of public fpirit; if they decline it from want of talents, who will pay any refpect to their criticism? It is in vain for them to advance the hackneyed pretext of its being unworthy of notice. The univerfal attention which it has commanded, molt amply proves the contrary; and I would have them recollect, that if, as they pretend, the opinions of it be falfe, the falfchood will spread very far indeed. The opponent champions fhould, therefore, come .forward. The time preiles; the youthful combatant has thrown down the gauntlet, and the undifputed palm awaits kis brow.”

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AGRICULTURE.

General View of the Agriculture of the County of Lincoln, drawn up for the Confideration of the Board of Agriculture. By the Secretary to the Board, with plates, 8vo. gs. Nicol. The Art of floating Land, as practifed in the County of Gloucefter, shewn to be the most preferable. By T. Wright. 35. Scatcherd.

BOTANY.

The British Garden; a defcriptive Catalogue of hardy Plants, 2 vols. 8vo. 169. bds. Cadell and Davies.

The British Flora, or a Linnean Arrangement of British Plants. By John Hull, M. D. 8s. 6d. bds. Bickerftaff.

DRAMA.

Hiftorical Memoirs on Italian Tragedy, illuftrated with specimens
and Analyfes of the most celebrated Tragedies, and interfperfed
with Obfervations on the Italian Theatre, and Biographical No-
tices of the principal Tragic Writers of Italy. By a Member
of the Arcadian Academy of Rome; with 13 engravings, 11. 1s.
boards.
Laugh when you Can, a comedy, by Frederick Reynolds, 25.
Longman and Rees.

The Difcarded Secretary, or the Myfterious Chorus, an historical
play, by Edmund John Eyre, 25.
Longman and Rees.
Goetz of Berlichingen with the Iron Hand, a tragedy, from the
German of Goethe, tranflated by William Scott, Efq. 3s. 6d.

Bell.

The School for Honour, or the Chance of War, from the German
of Leffing, 2s. 6d.
Vernor and Hood.
The Votary of Wealth, a comedy, by J. C. Holman, Esq. 2s.
Longman and Rees.
Five Thousand a Year, a comedy, by Thomas Dibdin, 2s. Robinfon.

HISTORY.

A General View of the Hiftory of Switzerland, with a particular
Account of the Original and Accomplishment of the late Re-
volution. By John Wood, Edinburgh. 6s. bds. Cawthorn.
Fragments of Scottish Hiftory. 4to. 11. 1s. bds.
White.
Journal of the most remarkable Occurrences at Rome upon the
Subverfion of the Ecclefiaftical Government in 1798. By
Richard Duppa. 4s. bds.
Robinfons.
Memoirs of the Court of Berlin, Drefden, Warfaw, and Vienna,
in the years 1777, 8, and 9. By N. W. Wraxall, Efq. 2 vols.
8vo. 14s. bds.
Cadell and Davies.

5s.

LAW.

Reports of Cafes in the Court of Common Pleas, in Trinity and
Michaelmas Terms, 1798. By Bofanquet and Putter, part 4.
Butterworth.
A Complete Syftem of Pleading. Vol. 9. (containing Trespass and
Scire Facias.) By John Wentworth, Efq. Barrifter, royal 8vo.
12s. bds.
APPENDIX, VOL. II.

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Robinfons. A Difcourle

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