more fatisfactorily demonftrated; even to us this faithful de lineation of their rife and progrefs is alarming; to the people of America it must have been aweful.

These twelve letters, as a whole, form a connected history of Jacobinifm, as exercifed in America, which, excepting in its fuccefs, differs fo little from what we have found it here, and from what it will every where be found, that, instead of foliciting the attention of our readers to a systematical analysis of this work, we perfuade ourselves we fhall give them a better idea of it by tranfcribing fome of its more striking paffages, which we the rather do, becaufe we think it mot likely to excite in them a defire to read the whole.

The following paffage fhews, that the first impreffion which the French revolution made on the minds of the people of America was like that produced in this country :

"The first steps towards liberty, which the French nation adopted, having for their object fimply a diminution of the Royal prerogatives, and the melioration of the condition of the commonalty and peafantry, were received in this country with universal and unfeigned pleasure. Our public papers teemed with congratulations on the aufpicious event."- "To please our vanity, we were told, that the French revolution was but an emanation of our own; that a spark from America had lighted the holy flame. To gratify refentments yet warm, to rekindle jealoufies hardly extinguished, to refufcitate inju ries not yet healed, we were reminded of British tyranny, British treachery, and British cruelty; but, above all, to captivate the idle and the defperate, who have ever fince been the warmest friends of French principles, they preached the mild, perfuafive, and irrefiftible doctrines of liberty and equality."" A venal and abandoned prefs, devoted to fedition, is alone fufficient to involve in general ruin the faireft ftructures, the most coftly edifices, of law and government. But combinations of men, for the purposes of watching the measures, and of fopping the wheels of a government, whatever they may ftyle themselves, whether denominated Constitutional Societies, Jacobin Affociations, or by the more modern and elegant name of Affiliated Clubs, are ftill more mafterly inventions in the cause of terrorism and anarchy. I am individually convinced, that no form of government, no civil fociety, can long, under any circumftances, withstand the combined force of these two powerful enemies."

As fome confirmation of the opinion of many obferving and well-informed perfons among ourselves, who have long thought that fome particularly venal and feditious newspapers have been the chief inftruments made ufe of to diffeminate fedition, we may quote what this author fays of Genet's affiduity in

"-engaging on his fide, (by what means, or in what manner, they beft can tell,) the editors of feveral newspapers, in the moft

populous

populous towns of the United States; in encouraging the circulation of thofe proftituted vehicles of flander; in excluding from those papers, (which have fince been denominated French,) every fentiment and every publication which would have counteracted his views. And, left any candid citizen should doubt the truth of this affertion, I publicly challenge any writer to produce a fingle paper, in Bache's Aurora, Greenleaf's Argus, or the Lying Chronicle;"-(what! is a Chronicle doomed, every where, to be thus pre-eminently distinguifhed for falfehood, in the caufe of fedition ?)" in which the federal government, or the British nation, if mentioned, have not been abused or execrated, or in which the French measures, either in Europe, or with refpect to us, have not been approved and applauded."Nay, this fame arch-feducer, "Genet, had not only engaged certain papers in fupport of his vile measures, but he had enlifted the ableft writers, whofe confciences had their prices. In what manner this has been done, whether by gold or flattery, or, as is most probable, by both, it is of little moment to the public who have fuffered. Mr. Secretary Dallas, a British emigrant, can, no doubt, refolve the point, if properly feed." Pp. 11-13.

In the treatment which Mr. Pickering, the American Secretary of State, and "one of the firmeft, moft honeft, and confiftent republicans in the United States," has received from the Jacobins of his country, there is fo ftriking a refemblance to that which the Duke of Portland and his friends have experienced here, that we cannot deny ourselves the pleafure of tranfcribing it :

"The purity of his character has been fo exemplary, and his patriotifm and virtue fo inflexible, that the tongue of malice has not ventured, till of late, to utter one flander against his reputation. If his character has ever fuffered, it was by the immoderate applaufes bestowed on him by the Aurora and Chronicle fcribblers, two years fince, when, in an Indian conference, he expreffed his refentment at British interference. His republicanifm and confiftency were then the themes, or the chorus, of every French or Jacobinic ditty. He was, in their eyes, a man of talents, of real difcernment, of unfpotted virtue, of genuine republicanifm. But as foon as he dares to open his eyes to French abuses, to Gallic infults, he is at once deprived of all his abilities, ftripped of all his virtue, corrupted by British gold, and is the hardy advocate of Aristocracy."

Many have been the conjectures which different perfons have formed, as to the motives which induced the French to send an army into Egypt; the moft general, though, by no means, we think, the most plaufible opinion, is, that the prospect of getting rid of a large body of men, whom they regarded as dangerous, was one of their leading motives. If this inference bet right, it would appear from the narrative before us, the expedi

tion to Egypt was not the first project of the kind that they had formed to effect the fame purpofe. It appears from these papers, that an invafion, no lefs vifionary and defperate, was meditated by them in America. Of this mad fcheme our author thus fpeaks.—

"That France conceives that the poffeffion of the country weft of the United States, of Canada, and, perhaps, of a flice of that fertile part of our territory, fo romantically defcribed by travellers, would be really a valuable acquifition to her, there can remain no doubt. Entertaining this opinion, therefore, it is unneceffary to enquire whether it would really advance her grandeur or promote her intereft. Nations who have power, do not always confult their best interests, but they always gratify their paffions, and their defires, whether the means be juft or unjut. France always had under a Monarchy, and under a modeft Republic it does not appear to have abated, an ardent paffion for glory and conqueft. The pride of the grand Monarque, and of the mighty Republic, appears to be the fame, although the names are in fome measure changed."

She

"She has conquered Europe, England excepted, and she feels a ftrong defire to regain her loft territory in this weftern world. Early in this war, the conceived the defign of poffeffing Louisiana and Canada. The expedition under General Clark, in direct violation of qur neutrality, is one flagrant proof of it, and the correspondence between Mr. Jefferfon and Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, depofited in the archives of our nation, is another evidence of this defign. France then had Auftria, Spain, and England, to encounter. was divided and torn to pieces by internal factions. Is it likely that fhe has abated in her ambition, now the has humbled Auftria, fubjugated Spain, and nearly annihilated Great Britain? Befides, is it not really important to France to gain a territory in America, to operate as a counterpoife to the colonies of Great Britain? If the can really command fertile country in that western wilderness, will it not be an useful and important check to her old rival, Great Britain, and will it not favour her darling plan of acquiring an afcendency in the councils of the United States? In fine, would not fuch a colony be extremely useful in furnishing an excellent dormitory for 500,000 citizen foldiers, who would most certainly disturb the peace, if they did not destroy the government, of this country?"

That this was actually the fettled fcheme of France is proved, in the next letter, by fundry pofitive facts; of which the moft remarkable are, that a Colonel Allen, of the state of Vermont, an avowed friend to France, though not engaged in commerce, nor invefted with any public character, but a plain farmer of the Green Mountains, in the neighbourhood of Canada, embarked, in 1796, for France :-

"There the officers of the French government procure for him 20,000 stand of finall arms. They are invoiced, it is faid, at oze quarter

quarter of their value. Bound to New Orleans, or fome fouthern port, this enterprizing farmer' is captured and carried into England. From thence he writes to his friends in Vermont, to procure evidence that they were intended for, and ordered for that state. The Vermontefe, alas, good honeft federalifts, unconscious of the plot, let out the fact. They wanted no arms, they were well fupplied, and they fcorned to co-operate in a base evafion. The queftion naturally occurs, for whom were thefe arms really deftined? Not for the Americans it is afcertained. For the British? No. Col. Allen's prejudices are too deeply rooted and too generally known to fubject him to that imputation. Judge you, my fellow-citizens, whether they were not intended for the reduction of Canada, and in favour of the nation who supplied them."

"Two men, named M'Lean, about the fame time, were avowedly and confefedly fent, by Mr. Adet, to fraternize with the Canadian peafantry. In other words, to propagate the holy creed of liberty, equality, murder, rapine, infidelity, fraternity, unity, and indivifibility, in which, I think, confifts the whole effence of French government. One of thefe men was unfortunately difcovered, and fell a martyr to the glorious caufe. A Mr. Butterfield, one of his companions, preferring ignominious life to elevated and eternal sleep, betrays the whole plan, and avows, that it was a fyftem to excite the Canadians to infurrection and rebellion. Is it uncharitable to fup. pofe that Allen's arms were connected with this plot, when the exift. ence of this plot is incontrovertibly proved?"

We close this interefting narrative of this daring and dangerous plot with the author's animated, and, to us, exceedingly interefting, defcription of the unceafing anxiety of the republicans of France to widen the breach, still more and more, between America and this country, and to prevent, if poffible, a clofer union between them:

"They (i. e. the prefent rulers of the French) are not unaware, that a fimilarity of language and manners neceffarily begets stronger ties between nations, than any adventitious or politic national ftipulations. They alfo know that America, depending for her importance on her immenfe and increafing commerce, muft naturally look up for protection to that nation which has the most complete command of the ocean. They are therefore convinced that, as foon as time fhall have blunted that juft fenfe of injury which exifted in every American bofom, at the recollection of paft indignities and wrongs, we fhall naturally return to a familiar and natural intercourfe with Great Britain. Great Britain is the only nation in Europe which is the object of the dread or envy of France. In a war, the moft fplendid that ever occurred to gratify the vanity of Frenchmen, they are unable to record one decifive advantage gained over the territory, or the fleers, of that powerful island." P. 44. 3 F

APPENDIX, VOL. II.

There

There is a fecond part to this pamphlet, entitled, "The Pfeudo Patriot," divided, like the former, into ten detached papers, or effays, with the fignature of Afcanius. Totally in the dark as we are as to the author, or authors, of this interefting work, we venture to give it as our opinion, though entirely on the strength of internal evidence, that the greatest portion of both parts is the production of one and the fame pen.

Much of this part is occupied in delineating the characters of fome eminent Trans-Atlantic Pfeudo Patriots, of whom the chief are fome diftinguished natives of Virginia, viz. Mr. Jefferfon, Mr. Munroe, and Mr. Randolph. The first named of thefe noted perfonages has long sustained a character in America not very diffimilar to that of the arch-patriot of St. Anne's Hill, in this kingdom. Extolled for his talents, he has yet never given any inconteftible proof of them, by any thing that he has written; like the ftill greater man, to whom we have prefumed to compare him, he seems to have owed his great popularity almost entirely to his energetic oratory; and, like Mr. Fox too, he has now funk into the moft general and complete neglect and dif-esteem, almost entirely from his unwife and unworthy predilection for French politics.

As to Mr. Randolph, our author deferibes him as endowed with but a feeble understanding, and as having, some how or other, acquired—

--an uncouth, pedantic, and confufed, ftyle, which would have difgraced the national character, even had he confined himself to the narroweft limits of his duty. Courted by no party, attached to no fyftem, feared by all Federalifts, without the confidence of Jacobins, he was esteemed by none, and despised by all.”

He is also very pofitively charged with having been a public defaulter, and with having either fecreted fome public money, or expended it in the gratification of a luxurious appetite, or a courtly vanity.

Of the vain, filly, meddling, and mifchief-making Munroe, it will be fufficient to quote one pretty striking anecdote here recorded of him. He is faid to have gone to France poor, and in embarraffed circumftances. His allowance from the government, by whom he was employed, was merely competent to a decent fupport

"Yet, by the favours and friendship of our good allies, this fame Citizen Munroe was enabled to purchase the lordly manfion and eftate of a ci-devant Nobleman in the environs of Paris, valued, at a moderate estimate, at 30,000l. fterling."

But,