prefent Majefty, for fecuring and detaining perfons accused of treafon and fedition, and that a Bill be brought in to fupprefs feditious focieties and feditious practices." This motion was, of courfe, oppofed by Mr. Tierney-we fay, of course, because we have not forgotten his general retainer-who, notwithstanding the confeflion of his friend, O'Connor, ftill perfevered in maintaining, that he muft confider a man as innocent, because the laws had not found him guilty. No divifion, however, took place; the refolutions pailed; and a Bill for carrying the latter part of them into effect, has fince been brought in by the Lord-Mayor of London. Our obfervations on the propofed regulations muft, of course, be poftponed, until they thall have been reduced to form, and have undergone more ample difcuffion. At prefent, they appear to us good as far as they go but they feem not to go far enough. If HAND-BILLS be not included in the reftrictions on the prefs, we venture to affirm, that they will be wholly inadequate to prevent the propagation of feditious principles; for by the aid of fuch vehicles they have been more diffufed over the country than by that of pamphlets. No hand-bills fhould, under a fevere penalty, be printed without the printer's name and refidence; and, if they could be fubjected to a ftamp-duty, (however trifling,) which we think feasible, the means of reftriction might be rendered more efficacious.

On the 11th of April, a debate took place, in the Irish House of Commons, on the Regency Bill, (which has been fince thrown out,) during which the Speaker took an opportunity of delivering his fentiments at large on the question of an UNION. Much as we have been accustomed to relpect his talents and his principles, we cannot but express our utter aftonishment that a fpeech fo fraught with empty declamation, and impertinent invective, fhould have been uttered by Mr. Forfter. We have perufed that fpeech with the utmoft attention, as reported, with every accompaniment of enthufiaftic panegyric, in the Irish papers, and we have been utterly unable to difcover any thing like argument or proof to fupport the bold, and very extraordinary, pofitions which it contains. The Union is called "a ruinous and vicked measure, that threatens the existence of the Empire;" but no attempt is made to demonftrate its wickedness, or to indicate its deftructive tendency. Its object is declared to be " the fubjugation of Ireland to the uncontrouled views of a Britifb Minifter;" but fuch declaration is unfupported by a fingle effort to prove either that it originated in fuch a with, or that it could be productive of fuch an effect. Would our limits allow us to analyze this fpeech, we could eftablifh, by a multiplicity of inftances, the juftice of the judgement which we have ventured to pronounce on it. But that being impoflible, we shall conclude our animadverfions by one other remark. The Speaker afferts that, be refpects Mr. Pitt as an Englifb Minister, but, as to the Irish nation, he was the worst Minifter that it ever heard of. Now, if Mr. Pitt were capable of harbouring the unconftitutional project of fubjecting one important part of the British Empire to his own uncontrouled

uncontrouled views, or the wish to ruin the interefts of Ireland, in order to feize her purfe, (which is one of the charges preferred by Mr. Forfter againft him,) we cannot fee what claim he can poffibly have to the refpect of any man who is a friend to his country. But, if he be really deferving of refpe&t as an English Minifter, he cannot be deemed a bad Minister for Ireland, it being the bounden duty of an English Minifter to confult, in all his public measures and regulations, the general good of the whole Empire, and the due difcharge of that duty conftitutes his principal, nay, his fole, claim, to respect, as a MINISTER. The motives affigned to the Premier, in this laboured, but weak, difcourfe, are wholly unworthy of the man who uttered them. What would he fay, were the fame unfair mode of argument applied to his own conduct, and his oppofition to the Union (which we contend to be the only meafure that can promote the profperity of Ireland, or even fave her from deftruction,) afcribed to an over-earneft desire to retain a fituation not lefs lucrative than it is honourable? But we are very far from imputing to him any fuch unworthy motives of action, or from reprefenting the apparent contradiction between his former and his prefent fentiments as the effect of fpleen, difappointment, or interest. We doubt not but that he acts from a perfect conviction of the propriety of his conduct, and we only with him to be equally just to others.

APRIL 27, 1799.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

Agohoyos will find his letter noticed in our review of Mr. Lloyd's "Lines of the Faft."

Dr. Tatham's laconic note was highly gratifying to our feelings. His exhor tation fhall meet with the fulleft attention, and we heartily join him in his concluding prayer.

We admit the juftice of Juvenis's obfervations, and can only fay that we have taken every means that depends on ourselves to remove the ground of his wellfounded complaint.

We mean to avail ourselves of the friendly communication of Ucalagen in our

next number.

Oliver Oldstock's Thoughts are intended for early infertion.

The Plagues of Egypt and the Rife and Decline of the Mameloucs are received. Clericus fhall certainly appear next month.

Scrutator is requested to let us know where a private letter may be addressed to him.

G.'s letter fhall appear very foon: as shall W's answer to G.'s enquiries.

We shall embrace an early opportunity for entering into a general view of what has been denominated the Wandfeian Controversy, which, infignificant as it appeared in its origin, feems fince to have acquired a degree of importancefrom the fubjects which it has brought into difcuffion. Whenever the prin ciples of the established Church are attacked by Sectaries, of whichever defeription,, we thall not be found to fhrink from the conteft, but manfully to ftand forwardin their defence.

APPENDIX

TO VOLUME II.

ART I. L'Inde en rapport avec L'Europe, &c. i. e. India confidered in its Connection with Europe, &c.

OUR

(Concluded from VOL. I. P. 808.)

UR readers will recollect, from the brief notice which we took of this work, in the Appendix to our first volume, that it is principally directed against the interests of the English in the Eaft Indies. The paffion which dictated the pages before us did not allow the author to confine himfelf to a detection of faults and abuses with which the system formed by the English Eaft-India Company may justly be reproached, but he ftrikes at our very existence in the Eaft; and this paffion, joined to the revolutionary fpirit which directs his pen, frequently makes him fink into empty declamation, and depart from that plain and eafy ftyle which is best adapted to compofitions of this nature. Yet, in fpite of thefe defects, the work contains much ufeful information, difplays a profound knowledge of Indian affairs, and may, of course, be read with advantage by all perfons who take an intereft therein.

The author's enthufiaftic attachment to his own country, (which is both natural and commendable,) and his inveterate prejudice against England, (which is neither natural nor commendable,) are ftrongly difplayed in his dedication, which is addreffed to the manes of Dupleix and Labourdounnais.

"Magnanimous fhades! (he exclaims) from the peaceful abode which you inhabit, deign to caft a look on the fine climate of Afia, till filled with the glory of your names. Audacious ALBION has ufurped, in these countries, the fceptre of Indoftan. Cruel and perfidious, the reftores with intereft to France, her rival, that ftate of humiliation to which your military atchievements, and your political operations, had reduced her. Blow into the hearts of your posterity the fame facred fire, the fame national ardour; infpire them with the fame fublime fentiments of patriotifm which raifed you so far above the age in which you lived. May Frenchmen fee in what you did what they can do, what they ought to do. My wishes are fulfilled. The thunder is prepared; the enemy trembles; diffentions are fown APPENDIX, VOL. II.

Z z

in

in their councils. Haften, by your wishes, the moment of vengeance s and receive, generous fhades, the homage of a traveller, who will not throw off, without regret, this mortal coil, until he fhall have feen the French flag, once more, majeftically flying in the seas and in the countries of Indoftan."

We much fear that the laft moments of Citizen Anquetil will be filled with regret; fince there is not, at prefent, any probability that his hopes, which appear to have been founded on the fuccefs of Buonaparte's expedition to Egypt, will be realized.

The preface is followed by an introduction, in which the author labours to prove, that the Europeans have, for three hundred years, pursued a mistaken fyftem, in carrying on their trade, and in forming establishments in the East Indies. He deems it impoffible to found a durable empire, with a population daily diminishing from caufes which he describes, and which can only be renewed by exhaufting the capital, to fend armies and fleets to a diftance of fix thousand leagues against a polifhed people, againft powers who, by the number of their foldiers, by the refources of a profound policy, by an indigenous population inceffantly increasing, on the very spot, can make up for the difference of arms and military knowledge poffeffed by the Europeans. The only mode of caufing fuccefs in that country, according to him, is by forming eftablishments merely commercial, kept in a refpectable state of defence; by fecuring fea ports; by taking poffeffion of no more territory than is abfolutely neceffary for fupplying such establishments with provifion; and by making alliances with the country powers.

There are two divifions of the work, one confined to pelitical interefts, the other to commercial interefts. The first, which takes up the whole of the first volume, begins with a difcuffion of the political interefts of the native powers, in refpect of each other, and in refpect of European powers. The inference drawn from this part of the difcuffion is, that the fuccefs of the trade, and the fecurity of the establishments of Europeans, are effentially connected with the perfona! interefts of the natives. The author next compares the fyftem of adminiftration purfued by M. Dupleix, and his fucceffors, with that of the English. He maintains, that the former, by causing all the money gained by induftry and trade to be fpent in the country, was beft calculated to conciliate the attachment of the people; whereas, the last, tending to enlarge the fcandalous fortunes of European agents who carry their wealth out of the country, produce a fcarcity of fpecie likely to alienate their minds. This fyftem appears to him to be

the

the effect of a fyftematic oppreffion on the part of England, and he defcries in it the first principle of a formidable coalition, at a period more or lefs diftant, between the fovereigns. of India, that will, fooner or later, expel us from the country. The fame queftion confidered in its connection with the political interefts of each of the native powers feparately, introduces fome curious and interesting details concerning the Mahrattas, the Mogul, Tippoo Saib, and other princes of the country, and leads to the inference, that the nature of the home and foreign trade, as well as the interefts of the princes and the people, are directly opposed to the poffeffion of extenfive territories by the Europeans; and that extenfive conquefts or acquifitions must give rife to revolutions fatal to their commerce and to their establishments. The author, who wrote this part of his work in 1789, had fixed the end of the prefent century as the period at which the English Eaft-India Company would experience the fame fate as thofe of the Dutch, Portugueze, and French. It is rather furprising that the events which have occurred in India, between that time and the year 1798, when he finished his labours, fhould not have induced him to retract such a prophecy.

The important queftion, to which of the two powers, the Mahrattas or Tippoo Saib, the French ought to attach themfelves, in order to accelerate the ruin of the English in India, is difcuffed much at large. Mr. A. confiders it in every point of view, according to his ideas of juftice and policy, as affect ed by the difpofition and intereft of the people, their military refources and the nature of the country occupied by the two powers. Tippoo Saib, walking in the footsteps of his father, Hyder Ally Khan, he reprefents as nothing more than a crafty conqueror, whofe policy confifts in making the Europeans deftroy each other, in completing the deftruction of the Mogul Empire, and in weakening the Mahrattas, in order to eftablifh his own power, and to pave the way for his acceffion to the throne of Indoftan. Any connection, therefore, with fuch a fovereign, muft be fatal. The Mahrattas are flated to be the most formidable of the indigenous nations, and deferving of a preference from the depth of their policy, the number and excellence of their cavalry, their opennefs of character, humanity, and gratitude, the nature of the country which. they occupy, and, laftly, from their attachment to the French and their averfion from the English.-The author cites a number of historical facts in fupport of thefe pofitions.

He then enters into a history of the wars carried on by the English against the native powers, and againft the French, fince the year 1756. These wars have eftablished the English

Zz2

power