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Mr. Broughton, commander of the Chatham, had separated from the Discovery about a month before, and got to Otaheite, where he remained till the arrival of the Discovery. There is a very accurate account of his course and obfervations, while parted from the principal fhip. Mr. Broughton difcovered an island, which he named Chatham ifland, from the Earl of Chatham, as firft Lord of the Admiralty. The following account of their arrival at Otaheite will be amusing to those who have read Capt. Cook's Voyages:

By the time we had anchored, the fhip was furrounded with canoes, laden with the different productions of the country. The natives, with every affurance of friendship, and with expressions of the greatest joy at our arrival, were crouding on board. One or two amongst them, although not principal chiefs, evidently affumed fome little authority, and were exceedingly earneft that we should not fuffer the multitude to come on board, as that would be the best means to prevent thefts, and infure that amity and good fellowship which they appeared very folicitous to establish and fupport. We complied with their advice, and found no difficulty in carrying it into execution. We had only to defire they would return to their canoes, and they immediately complied. I had the mortification of finding, on enquiry, that most of the friends I had left here in the year 1777, both male and female, were dead. Otoo, with his father, brothers, and fifters, Potatow, and his family, were the only chiefs of my old acquaintance that were now living. Otoo was not here, nor did it appear that Otaheite was now the place of his refidence, having retired to his newly acquired poffeffion, Eurieo, or, as the natives more commonly call that ifland, MOREA, leaving his eldeft fon the fupreme authority over this, and all the neighbouring, iflands. The young King had taken the name of Otoo, and my old friend that of Pomuney, having given up his name with his fovereign jurisdiction, though he still feemed to retain his authority as regent. Mr. Brough. ton had received fome prefents from Otoo, who, being now arrived from Oparre, had fent, defiring that gentleman would vifit him on fhore, at Matavai. I had received no invitation, but, as fome of the natives gave me to understand that my accompanying Mr. Broughton would be efteemed a civility, I did not hesitate to com. ply, efpecially as Mr. Broughton had propofed a prefent in so handfome a way, that I confidered it a fufficient compliment to the young King from us both. As foon as the fhip was fecured, Mr. Whidley and myself attended Mr. Broughton, with intention to fix on an eligible fpot for our tents, and for tranfacting our neceffary bufinefs on shore, and afterwards to pay our refpects to his Otaheitean Majefty.

"The furf obliged us to row round the point, near the mouth of the river, where we landed, and were received by the natives with every demonstration of regard. A meffenger was inftantly dispatched to inform the King of our arrival and intended vifit. The ftation

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of our tents, on my former vifits to this country, was not likely, on the prefent occafion, to anfwer our purpofe; the beach was confiderably washed away, and the fand being removed from the coral rocks, rendered the landing very unfafe. The furf had alfo broken into the river, and made it very falt. Thefe circumftances induced me to fix on a fituation about a quarter of a mile farther along the beach, to the fouthward. The meffenger that had been dispatched to inform Otoo of our landing and propofed vifit, returned with a pig and a plantain leaf, as a peace offering to me, accompanied by a fpeech of congratulation on our arrival, and offers of whatever refreshments the country afforded. This fhort ceremony being finished, we proceeded along the beach, in expectation of meeting the young Sovereign, until we arrived near to the place where the river had broken its banks. There we were directed to halt, under the shade of a palm tree, to which we readily confented, the weather being nearly calm, and exceffively fultry. After waiting a fhort time, we were acquainted that the King, having fome objection to cross the river for the purpose of meeting ftrangers, requefted we would go to him. A canoe was in waiting to take us over, and having walked about an hundred yards on the other fide, the interview took place. We found Otoo to be a boy about nine or ten years of age. He was carried on the fhoulders of a man, and was clothed in a piece of English red cloth, with ornaments of pigeon's feathers hanging over his fhoulders. When we had approached within about eight paces, we were defired to ftop; the prefent we had brought was exhibited; and although its magnitude, and the value of the articles it contained, excited the admiration of the by-ftanders in the highest degree, it was regarded by this young Monarch with an apparently. ftern and cool indifference. It was not immediately to be prefented; a certain previous ceremony was neceffary. Not confidering myfelf fufficiently mafter of the language, I applied, for affiftance, to an inferior chief, named Moerree, (who had been useful to Mr. Broughton,) to be my prompter. At first he used fome pains, but, not anding me fo apt a fcholar as he expected, he foon took the whole office upon himself. He anfwered for our peaceable and friendly intentions, and requefted fupplies of provifions, and a pledge of good faith towards us, with as much confidence as if he had been intimately acquainted with our wishes and defigns. Our fituation, on this occafion, was fimilar to that of his Otaheitean Majefty, who condefcended to say but few words, a perfon by his fide fparing him that trouble, by going through all the formal orations. A ratification of peace and mutual friendship being acknowledged on both sides, and these ceremonies concluded, which took up fifteen or twenty minutes, the different European articles, compofing the prefent, were, with fome little form, prefented to Otoo, and, on his thaking hands with us, which he did very heartily, his countenance became immediately altered, and he received us with the greatest chearfulness and cordiality. He informed me that his father, my former acquaintance and friend, was at Morea, and requested I would fend thither a boat

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for him, for, as the islanders were much accustomed to raise falfe reports, Pomuney would not believe that I was arrived without fee. ing fome of us, by whom he would be convinced. He also added, that if we should fail without feeing his father, he would not only be very much concerned, but very angry. This language being in the mouths of every one around us, and feeling a great defire to see an old friend, who had ever conducted himself with propriety, and ap. peared firmly attached to our intereft, I promifed to comply with the young King's requeft. The fuffufions of joy, and a readiness to oblige, were evident in the countenances of all whom we met. Their inftant compliance with all our requests, and their eagerness to be foremost in performing any little friendly office, could not be ob ferved without the most grateful emotion. Each of us was prefented with a quantity of cloth, a large hog, and fome vegetables, after which we returned on board, extremely well pleafed with our vifit and reception."

(To be continued.)

ART. IV. Copies of Original Letters from the Army of General Buonaparte, in Egypt, intercepted by the Fleet under the Command of Admiral Lord Nelfon. Part the Second. With an English Tranflation. 8vo. Pp. 236. Price 4s. 6d. Wright, London. 1799.

THIS

HIS volume contains a farther felection from the Intercepted Correfpondence, the first part of which was noticed in the firft volume of our Review.* The number of letters (of which the whole or part is given) is thirty-one, and that of official documents three. Their tendency is to ftrengthen the impreffion produced by a perufal of the former collection, in refpect of the profligacy of the French government and armies, and of the hopeleffness of the mad enterprize in which the latter are engaged in Egypt. Though the fubject have loft the attraction of novelty, and cannot, therefore, be supposed to excite fo much attention as formerly, ftill the documents exhibited are interefting, in different points of view, but more particularly as fupplying a fource of authentic information to the future hiftorian, who fhall undertake to relate the particulars of this extraordinary expedition, The introduction, which occupies twenty-feven pages, contains fome judicious remarks on the tendency of French principles to corrupt the mind that adopts them; and the tranflation is, in general, correct and fpirited, though fometimes too free.

* P. 647.

The

The notes are numerous, and replete with appofite comments and ingenious obfervations. The conductors of the Morning Chronicle will recognize in them the work of the fame hand, under whofe lafh they fo often fmarted, during the appearance of the Anti-Jacobin, or Weekly Examiner.

There is one point, however, on which we must still differ from the editor, viz.-that it was the intention of the Directory to facrifice the whole of the army (excepting the principal officers) fent to Egypt. The grounds of that difference we fully explained in our review of the first part, and we find nothing in the prefent volume that can induce us to change our opinion, although the editor declares that the justice of his inference is now placed "almoft beyond the poffibility of doubt." This declaration is founded upon the fourth letter, written, (as we are told in a note,) by a Savant, (without a name,) to one Miot. But we have read this letter with the greatest attention, and can really find nothing in it that warrants the conclufion. The writer fays, indeed, that they had endured" innumerable miferies," and that the whole army arrived at Cairo "with bitter difguft of foul."-"It had placed all its hopes in the city, but how much have they been deceived; and notwithstanding we were told that we fhould all be fatisfied here, the only defire of the General, and of the foldiers themselves, is to get back to France." Again"We cross the fea, we brave the English fleet, we disembark in a country which never thought of us, we pillage their villages, ruin their inhabitants, and violate their wives; we wantonly run the hazard of dying with hunger and with thirst; we are every one of us on the point of being affaffinated; and all this for what? In truth, we have not yet difcovered." (P. 41.) These are expreffions of disappointment and disgust, natural to men in fuch a fituation; but they, by no means, prove that it was the intention of the Directory to facrifice the army. If the former meant really to fix a colony in Egypt, or to conquer the country, with a view to fubfequent operations against our fettlements in the Eaft, they would, of course, flatter the army with the most delufive prospects, in order to reconcile them to the expedition; but fuch delufion affords no demonftration of their wish to promote their deftruction. It is poffible, indeed, that the Directory might be deceived themfelves, both as to the ftate of the country, and the difficulty of conquering it. That the writer of this letter imputed to the Directory no fuch intention as is afcribed to them by the editor, is to us evident; he exprefsly fays-" SAVARY has deceived us all with refpect to Egypt!" And why may he not have deceived the Directory, aud himself too, for he accompanied

accompanied the army? The writer alfo calls the flaughtered Mameloucs the "victims of ambition and vanity;" plainly meaning that the French government were induced, by motives of ambition and vanity, to engage in the expedition. We are ftill unable to difcover any reafon that could lead the Directory, with the certainty of a Continental war to fupport, to facrifice 40,000 of their best troops; and the reasons which we before alledged, in fupport of our own opinion on the fubject, are corroborated by all that we have fince read or heard. We fhall not be fuppofed to adopt the reasoning of the French critics on this topic, by urging the attention of the Directory to the happiness of their troops, as a fufficient ground, of itfelf, for rejecting the imputation which we have combated. We know them to be incapable of being actuated by any other motive than that of intereft or ambition; and we know, likewife, that all the attention which they have ever paid to their troops, has been, exclufively, influenced by confiderations connected with the gratification of either one or other of those paffions. Could they be better gratified by the facrifice, than by the preservation, of their armies, they would not hesitate a moment in devoting them to deftruction; but as thofe armies form the only means of atchieving their favourite plans, we must have much stronger proofs than any which we have yet feen, before we can believe it to be their wish wantonly to destroy them.

The editor appears to us to have mifconceived the writer of the letter in queftion on another point. Defcribing the route of the army from Alexandria to Grand Cairo, he says, "they marched to Demanhour the first day, and from thence to Rahmanie. The General preferred making a detour, that he might arrive the fooner at the Banks of the Nile." On this the editor obferves-"To make a detour, by way of getting the quicker to a given point, would be admirable in the mouth of an Irifhman; indeed, it is very well any where." And he tells us, that the road taken by the army was the only road. This may be fo; but ftill it fhews no other blunder, on the part of the letter-writer, than what arose from ignorance of the topography of the country; for it is evident he did not believe it to be the nearest road. And he affigns a very good reafon for reaching the Banks of the Nile as foon as poffible, even under the fuppofition that, in order to do that, they must make a detour, in other words, go a little out of their way; for he fays that, " on the march from Alexandria to Demanhour, fuch was the fcarcity of water, that he had offered a Louis-d'or for a fingle glafs."

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