propofe any change of that regime, if not from which, at leaft, during which, thefe bloody confequences flowed;" and he asks, if the fituation of the kingdom were the reverfe of what it is, "could the minifter gravely tell the parliament, or the people, that their fituation being manifeftly profperous and happy in a high degree, be thought they could notdo better than immediately alter and correct that conftitution, under which their profperity and happiness had grown?" He fuccefsfully expofes the folly of those who affert that an Union "would fink Ireland to a province;" and clearly establishes the Competency of Parliament to conclude it.

As Mr. Jebb's pamphlet has been reprinted in England, and extolled by fome of our critics, it were much to be wifhed that this able and judicious confutation of its leading principles and pofitions had the fame means of circulation. The author contends, that the very foundation of his adverfary's reafoning is faulty; for he affumes that legislative Union and furrender of Irish liberty are fynonimous expreffions; whereas, in point of fact, a legislative Union is no furrender "but a mere (and merely local) transfer of the legislative; a changing of the fphere and centre of its operation, rather than an abating of its fupremacy." Having destroyed the bafis, he attacks the fuperftructure with equal fuccefs, and eafily drives his opponent from thofe holds, which his fancy had, no doubt, represented as impregnable. He fometimes quits calm and grave difcuffion for keen and pointed irony, a weapon, dangerous in unfkilful hands, but wielded by him with confiderable dexterity. We fhall extract fome fpecimens of his ftyle and mode of reafoning :

"In page 2, you adhere to your petitio principii, by calling Union the annihilation of our parliament; but it muft be confelled that your allufion to the horrors and agonies of that bloody Rebellion' from which the country has emerged, and to thofe animofities civil and religious which' (even before an Union, you fay) 'diftract us,' involves a ftrong argument for abllaining from all change, or attempting to correct the fyftem under which thofe animofities have arifen, and with which, in the opinion of fome theorifts, they are connected.

6

"It must alfo be allowed, that your endeavours to appeale the indignation of the country, by reprefenting that the meafure which you recommend to them to meet with calmness, as an injurous infult,' are very meritorious and well-judged; and the confiftency of that praife which in P. 16 you beflow on the mild and tranquillizing spirit of Lord Cornwallis's adminiftration, with thofe triangular and gallows terrors which in P. 2 you reprefent as ftifling the public voice, and impeding all difcuffion; the confiftency of those two pallages, I fay, is too obvious to need comment.-I am far from conceiving (P. 3) that the magic of the Secre tary's pen could extend the omnipotence of Parliament to the works of nature;" inafmuch as I am unable to fee how omnipotence could be increased; but as to that annihilation of the Irifh channel, which strikes you to be fo impracticable, I doubt whether the naval power of Britain has not already atchieved it. I doubt whether the greatnefs and glory of the English fleets have not, to all political intents, formed fuch a bridge of communication as to warrant us in afferting that the intervening channel does not feparate the filler countries." Pp. 39, 40.

Again:

"A comparison of pages 27 and 63 feems to convict you of inconfiftency, Ia the former, you measure the Irish against the English members, and state the proportion as one to five: in the latter you reprefent the Irish Corps of Legiflators as

conftantly

conftantly forming a part of the minifterial phalanx. In the first part of your argument you lament over the Irifh, as left in a fad minority: in the latter, your caufe of lamentation is, that they will conftantly form a part of the Minifter's major ty. I have no objection to crying over either of these events with you; but do not infift of my crying over both! I cannot concede you more than this alternative lamentation; fince if the English members be to the Irish in the proportion of five to one, thefe latter can do no mifchief by adhering to the Minifter: for your hypothefis oppofing the British and Irith to each other, it follows that the Minifter would be in a minority: and, on the other hand, if the Irish constitute part (P. 63) of the large majorities of the Minifter, this balancing of them with their English Brethren muft ceafe, both-being ex hypotheft, thrown into the fame fcale." F. 42.

To the objection founded on the fuppofed inadequacy of the number of Irish reprefentatives in the United Legislature, the author replies, that a scheme of Union may eafily be found that would render all reafoning upon fuch ground perfectly inconclufive

Reprefentation ought, I take it, to be in the ratio of contribution: the origia, and peculiar function of the House of Commons prove that it fhould be fo; and therefore the Scotch Union was conceded by England on equitable terms, in as much as Scotland, affuming about a fortieth fhare of the public burdens, obtained an eleventh fhare of Reprefentation; terms fo advantageous that, if Burnet and other hiftorians may be believed, nothing but the confideration of the safety that was to be procured by it to England, could have brought the English to agree to a project, that in every branch of it was much more favourable to the Scotch Nation! If fimilar views to fafety now actuate Great Britain, Ireland has fimilar grounds for expecting greatly advantageous terms of Union; and if the incorporation were intimate, complete and juft, as reafonably might this country repine at being at the mercy of an imperial (not foreign) parliament, as the limb might repine at being at the mercy of the man; as reafonably might one member of the Empire entertain jealoufy of another, as my leg might be jealous of my partiality to my arm." Pp. 51, 52.

There is no one point in which the Anti-Unionists have so strongly betrayed their ignorance, or mifrepresentations, or both, as in all their arguments refpecting the Union between England and Scotland, both as to the caufes and effects of that event. This could not escape the keen obfervation of the writer of thefe letters, whose remarks on the fubject are forcible and just :

"When you touch on the connection of the Scots with France, I leave it to Hoche and Humbert, Tone and Mc. Nevin, to answer the argument which fuch an allusion involves; and when you notice the fevere but perhaps necessary policy adopted with refpect to commerce by England towards Scotland, I thank you for having refuted thofe arguments which you infinuate: 1ft, where you ask if there be any commercial benefit which an Union could produce to Ireland, that Britain WITHOUT an Union might not grant? and 2dly, where you hope (r. 50) that the chance of Cork to be chofen as a naval ftation will not be affected by the fuccels of the project for an Union. You yourfel f admit that, until the Realms of England and Scotland became united, the fame policy, which was fevere, might yet be necellary: like cafe, like rule, is a good legal maxim.

"But when you refer the Rebellions of 1715 and 1745 to the Scotch Union, you differ from fome hiftorians of good reputation; who have, on the contrary, referred them to that mere attachment to the family of Stuart which preceded, and was unconnected with the Union, and which, though no legislative incorporation had taken place, would as, certainly have generated a Rebellion against a Scotch act of fettlement, fecuring the Hanover fucceffion.

"To attribute the infurrections of 1715 and 1745 to the Union, is as incorfiftent with the hiftory of those transactions themselves, as it is with all historical tradition on the fubject. All thofe,' fays Tindal, who adhere inflexibly to the Jacobite Interest, opposed every step that was made towards an Union with great vehen.ence.

vehemence; For they faw that the Union ftruck at the root of all their defigns for a new Revolution. Now that thefe defigns preceded that Union which it was feared would impede their execution, feems an inference fo plain, that I doubt whether I fhould be prevented from drawing it, by even the opinion of a majority of 164

to 32.

"I doubt whether in the face of your four Reprefentatives (P. 52) of all profeffional merit at the Irish Bar-I fhould not venture to alert that the root must have had existence, in order to its being truck at ;-and that the Union could not at once have fown the feed of those revolutionary defigns, and been the measure which ftruck at the root from whence they sprung." Pp. 62-64.

In the feventh letter the inconfiftency of Mr. Jebb, and the fallacy of his opinions, are ftill more ftrongly expofed.

Of the English Revolution in 1688, this fenfible writer difplays much deeper, and more accurate, knowledge than those patriots in either kingdom, who are inceffantly declaiming on Revolution-principles. His remarks on that event are to be found in p.

78.

We have given fuch copious extracts from thefe letters, that it is needlefs for us to pronounce our judgement on their merits. Our readers will decide for themselves, and we have little doubt but their verdict will be highly favourable to the author.

DIVINITY.

ART. XVIII. Chriftian Patriotifm. A Sermon delivered in the Parish. Church of Stoke-Newington, in the County of Middlefex, on Occafion of the Attendance of the Armed Affociation of StokeNewington, and its Vicinity, at Divine Service, on Sunday, October 21, 1798. By George Gafkin, D. D. Rector of that Parish, and of St. Bene't Gracechurch, in the City of London. 8vo. Pp. 29. Price is. Rivingtons, London. 1798.

THE

HIS is a plain but impreffive addrefs, from a worthy and moft refpectable Minister to his Affociated Parishioners, in which he evidently appears folicitous rather to convince by foundness of principle, than to dazzle by brilliancy of ftyle. His first object in this difcourfe is to remove a prejudice, too frequently admitted against Christianity, that "a concern for the peace and profperity of the world is altogether foreign to [from] its true defign," and to prove that patriotifin, properly understood, is "not only a political, but a religious virtue, partaking of the love of God and of our neighbour." Having generally established these two points, Dr. G. proceeds to enforce the particular application of them on his hearers, by a confideration of the many civil advantages which we, as Englishmen, exclufively enjoy; and of our higher confequent obligation to defend them from "all theoretic innovators at home, and all hoftile attempts from abroad." He then fhews how much this obligation is ftrengthened "by the religious privileges wherewith we are bleffed.” For, fays he

"Chriftianity, God's choiceft gift to man, is, in all the purity of its doctrines, in all the holiness of its precepts, and in all the accuracy of its primitve form, not

NO, IX, VOL. II.

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only

only poffeffed, but likewife eftablished amongst us by the laws and conftitution of our country; yea, then, (as he emphatically adds in the words of his text,) because of the houfe of the Lord our God, we will feek to do thee good."

This view of his fubject naturally leads the Doctor to a juftifica tion of all armed affociations, formed for the prefervation of fuch invaluable bleffings, against the cavils of "certain vifionary enthu fiafts, who go on to condemn even defenfive war." For, as he briefly, but forcibly, contends, "knowing that the magiftrate is the minifter of God, and that he beareth not the fword in vain, the lawfulnefs of bearing it under him, without which he must bear it in vain, is obvious to every one, whofe eyes are not closed by prejudice and party."

Thofe of our readers who are acquainted with the unaffected piety and zeal of this active and orthodox member of our church, will expect to fee him improving the occafion of fuch a meeting to the first purpose of all religious affemblies; and we accordingly find him concluding his difcourfe with an earnest and affectionate exhortation to thofe, who have stepped forward as good fubjects, to be careful to approve themselves good chriftians; and expofing "the preposterous inconfiftency of profelling to fight for religion while we live regardless of its laws:" and here we moft heartily join iffue with him, having long fince admitted as an axiom the opinion of a moft acute and profound obferver of mankind, that as well might we expect to meafure a ftrait line with a crooked rule, as to find public virtue in the private profligate.*

ART. XIX. A Sermon preached in the Parish-Church of Woolwich, in the County of Kent, on Tuesday, October 16, 1798, before the Members of the Armed Affociation of Woolwich Loyal Volun teers. By G. A. Thomas, A. M. Rector of Woolwich, and Prebendary of Lichfield. Published by Request. Pp. 38. Rivingtons, London. 1798.

WE are pleafed to fee this able and animated writer, whofe difcourfe on focial worship we fo lately noticed, again appearing before the public with much credit to himself in a forcible dif. courfe, delivered, like the preceding article, before an armed association of his parish, and, like that too, printed at the request of those to whom it was particularly addreffed. With the fame views and principles, Mr. Thomas, in this forcible appeal to the understanding and feelings of his hearers, reminds them of the bleffings for which they are contending, the peculiar character of the enemy against whom they have taken up arms, and the duty thence refulting, cheerfully to bear their proportion of the burdens which such a state of

*We have given this quotation as we remember to have met with it in the writings of the late Edmund Burke, whofe teftimony in fuch a cafe, from his long and intimate acquaintance with most of the political characters of his time, may almost feem to add weight to a felf-evident propofition.

warfare

warfare must neceffarily impofe. While he endeavours to confirm these Loyal Volunteers in the honourable part which they have taken, by judiciously contrasting their patriotic exertions with the criminal fupineness of thofe, who, under the cloak of christian meekness and the plaufible plea of relying on Providence, weakly "expect to attain the end without the ufe of the proper means-for to implore the protection of the Almighty, while we neglect the means of defence which he has graciously put into our hands, would be as idle as to pray, that the ftones fhould be made bread while we neglect the cultivation of our fields."

ART. XX. The Excellency of the Church of England, and the Unreasonableness of Separation from it. A Sermon, preached in the Parish Church of Enford, in the County of Wilts. To which is prefixed an Address to his Parishioners. By John Prince, A. B. Vicar of the Parish. 8vo. Pp. 31. Price is Rivingtons. Hatchard, London. 1798.

THE purport of this difcourfe, as we learn from the address, appears to be, to counteract fome endeavours which had been ufed to feduce his parishioners from the communion of the church of England. Whether this attack upon the principles of the inhabitants of Enford is part of the general fyftem which at prefent is said to prevail, for the corruption of the whole diocese of Salisbury, we are not authorized to fay, but we moft heartily wish that every parish prieft in the kingdom would as zealously defend the doctrines of the establishment as Mr. Prince has done. His fermon, he modeftly fays, "claims no other merit than that of a good intention." Good inten tions, with us, fhall ever receive, at leaft, their fair proportion of commendation; and whenever we find them united with integrity and ability, our beft praises shall not be wanting. Mr. P. takes his text from the forcible words contained in the 14th verfe of the 4th chapter of the epiftle to the Ephefians, and thence points out the danger of being deluded by every new opinion which happens to be the prevailing and fashionable doctrine of the day, with great earneftnefs and confiderable ability. His ftyle is not of the most polifhed nature, and his periods are occafionally too long; but these faults, if fuch they may be denominated, are amply compenfated by the general purity of his doctrine, and the evident fincerity of his intentions.

ART. XXI. A Sermon preached at Trinity Chapel, Warrington, March 7, 1798, being a Day appointed for a General Faft. By the Rev. John Woodrow, late of Catherine Hall, Cambridge. 4to. Pp. 24. Price is. Rivingtons, London. 1798.

WE entirely agree with the Rev. Author of this difcourfe in the opinion expreffed in his dedication of it to the Bishop of Chefter, that no man can be an uninterested spectator of the

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