that thefe advantages are not imputable to the Union; and here he is equally fuccefsful as in the other branches of his argument. The concluding part of the letter is appropriated to the detection of another atrocious falfehood, advanced, with fhameless effrontery, by the opponents of the Union, who have dared to affirm that the conduct of Great Britain, towards Scotland, has betrayed "more the neglect of a ftep-mother than the care of a natural parent." The very reverfe of this is proved, by historical records, to be the fact; and Great Britain is fhewn to have been not only juft, but highly generous and liberal, in her conduct to Scotland. She has never evinced the fordidnefs of rival jealoufy, but always the warmth of parental affection. We are happy to find that this pamphlet has been re-printed in London; and we earneftly recommend it to our readers, as containing much curious and interesting matter, and affording fixed data, refulting from historical facts, by which the judgement may be regulated in forming an opinion on a matter of the first importance to the profperity and happinefs of the British Empire.

ART. XLII. Reafons for adopting an Union between Ireland and Great Britain. By the Author of a Letter to Jofeph Spencer, Efq. 8vo. Pp. 61. Price Is. 6d. Milliken, Dublin. Re-printed for Chapple, Pall-Mall, London.

1799.

TF this infatuated country gives up the prefent offer, fhe may

I look for it again in vain things cannot remain as they are

---Commercial jeauloufy is rouzed---it will increase with two inde pendent Legislations---and without an united intereft in commerce, in a commercial empire, political Union will receive many shocks, and Separation of intereft muft threaten feparation of connection, which every honeft Irishman must fhudder to look at, as a poffible event." Such is the recorded opinion of Mr. FORSTER, the prefent Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, in 1785, when he held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer; and an opinion more favourable to the projected measure of an Union cannot eafily be conceived. Mr. Forster, however, it appears, is now adverfe to an Union: as no opportunity has yet occurred for an expofition of these motives which have influenced the adoption of his prefent fentiments, we have not the means of deciding on their juftice. Many circumftances, no doubt, occur, in the term of fourteen years, to fanction a change of opinion on great political queftions; but to us, it appears, from no inattentive confideration of the fubject, that the events which have taken place in Ireland, within that time, are peculiarly calculated, not only to confirm the fentiments of those who were then anxious for an Union, but to remove the objections of others who were then hoftile to the measure.

The

The writer of the tract before us has evidently confidered his fabject with the deepest attention, and under every poffible point of view; he has ftudied the nature and difpofition of his countrymen, and the history of his country; he has clofely attended to the state of parties and of factions, and inveftigated the caufes which engendered, the circumftances which fupport them, and the confequences to which they lead. Thus prepared, he enters into a masterly analysis of the arguments, both theoretical and practical, which have been advanced by the different writers on the Union, fhews in what respect they are at variance with each other, and how far they are applicable to the queftion. He takes, as the bafis of his reafoning, the neceffity of a connection between the two countries, and, of courfe, addreffes himfelf exclufively to thofe by whom that neceffity is acknowledged. Setting out upon this principle, he obviates, with infinite fuccefs, the most plaufive objections of his adverfary; and, after demonftrating, by arguments that to us appear incontrovertible, the inadequacy of fubfifting ties to preferve the fubfifting connection; and the immenfe advantages that must refult to Ireland, from a legislative Union, he earneftly, and emphatically, recommends it to her "as a scheme of the wifeft policy fhe could pursue."

This able and judicious writer proves, that the nature of the prefent connection is fuch, as to render the decided inferiority of the Irish nation indifpenfibly neceffary to its prefervation; and, at the fame time, to hold out temptations to the enemies of the country, foreign and domeftic, to effect a feparation. This has been the motive with all the internal enemies of Ireland, to combine their efforts to prevent an Union. This, indeed, fome of the honeft, but mistaken, opponents of the measure have virtually admitted, by bringing for ward certain propofitions, the adoption of which they deem neceffary for preferving the connection between the two countries; and, it is here fhewn, that these propofitions amount to nothing less than "an abfolute furrender to the Parliament of England of the purfe and fword of this (the Irish) nation," and are even much more extenfive in their operation. "But even that will not do, the feed of diffolution is incorporated in its framme; it is perishable as the breath of man, and precarious as human conduct."

Having noticed the prepofterous obfervation of one writer (whofe work is reviewed in a former article) that "were an Union fraught with bleffings-were it the elixir of life," it ought to be rejected; he asks, "What must be the opinion of that man, of our understandings, if he fuppofes we can be affected by idle rant of this kind? Is this the fobriety of difcuffion, which a question, like the present, demand? Yet, in this manner it has been, for the most part, treated; the changes are perpetually rung upon our independence. You are afked with a gravity that would be contemptible, if it were not wicked-"Will you annihilate independent Ireland ?" Let us examine this independence. He then enters upon this examination with the fame cool judgement, and fuperior ability, which are obfervable in every page of his book. He afcertains the nature and extent of

this independence, fo much talked of, and fo little understood; and obferves, that "the only confiftent advocates for the strict indepen dence of Ireland, are the friends of feparation. He adduces, in fup. port of his arguments, the well-known caufes of the Commercial Propofitions in 1785, and the Regency in 1789, of which he fays-

It feems now to be univerfally acknowledged that, on both these occafions, the true interefts of the nation, and of the empire, were facrificed to the founding of a name.”

In the late debate on the Union, in the Irish House of Commons, allufions were made to the opinion of Molyneux, the celebrated Irish philofopher, the friend of Locke, and the ftrenuous advocate for the independence of his native country. By both parties, great deference was paid to that opinion, though the members of oppofition qualified their praise of it by a declaration of its inapplicability to the prefent times. Denying, as we do, the juftice of fach qualification, we shall extract the fentiments of Molyneux, as quoted by the author of this tract, and earnestly recommend them to the attention of all true Irishmen :--

"In fupporting the adoption of an Union between the two countries, it is unneceffary to lay, that I do not mean to argue with those who look forward to the exiftence of Ireland, as a diftinct independent nation, as a defirable event, at any period, however diftant. One of the gentlemen who have written upon this fubject, fays, the Almighty has thrown the channel as a perpetual barrier to an Union between Great Britain and Ireland.' If this be fo, the impiety of man has done much to encroach upon this decree of Providence. Cromwell, devout as he was, laughed at it when he fummoned reprefentatives from this country to fit in the English Parliament. Molineux, that great defender of the independence of his country, whofe happiness, in his opinion, as I fhall fhew hereafter, would have been beft effected by an Union, does not reft his vindication of the rights of his country upon fo ridiculous a pofition.-He fays, it is abfurd to fancy kingdoms are feparate and diftinct, mérely from their geographical distinction of territories ; kingdoms become diftinct by diftinct jurifdictions, and authorities legislative and executive. He refers his propofition exprefsly to the fituation of Great Britain and Ireland; he faw a much greater likelihood of oppofition to an Union, from the mistaken pride of England, than any imaginary will of the Deity, to be collected from his works. Having fhewn feveral inftances from records of representatives from this country serving in Parliament in England, in the reigns of Edward the First and Edward the Third; and it appearing that Ireland had been bound by laws made in fuch Parliament, he fays, if, from thele lait mentioned records it be concluded, that the Parliament of England may bind Ireland, it must be allowed that the people of Ireland ought to have their reprefentative in the Parliament of England;' and this, I believe,' fays Molineux, we fhould be willing enough to embrace, but this is an happinefs we can hardly hope for.' I have tranfcribed his words exactly. If Molineux, the warm and enlightened advocate of the liberties of Ireland, had feen, in this dreaded name of Union, the annihilation of our Paliament, the fubverfion of our Conftitution, the depopulation of our metropolis, and the conversion of the kingdom into one valt barrack;' if he had difcovered in this measure his fellow citizens reduced to an humiliated, degraded, and difcontented people,' would he have defcribed it as an offer we should very willingly embrace, but as a happinets we could not hope to obtain? Would he have thus ftated it, if it had appeared to him as only calculated to continue religious difcontents, jealoufies and difturbances, infurrections, and, perhaps, rebellions,' for fuch had exifted in his time. He thought very differently from the politicians of this day--a due representation of this country in the British Parliament, one King, one Legislature, was to him a confummation devoutly to be wifhed, though he thought it not within the fcope of realonable expeccation." Pp. 19-21.

NO. VIII. VOL. II.

Dd

The

The author adverts to the objections raised against the Union of Scotland with England, and more particularly to thofe of the well. known and truly-refpectable Mr. Fletcher, of Salton, which, ftrong as they were, and, in theory, even juft, have, by experience, been proved to be futile and groundless: he alfo quotes fome obfervations of De Foe, on the oppofition to the Scottish Union, between which, and the oppofition to the Irish Union, there is fo ftriking a refemblance, that we cannot forbear to quote it, as, at once, curious and interest', ing; and, with this quotation, we must conclude our account of a tract, which contains much valuable matter, much acute reafoning, and much political wisdom. It is, indeed, one of the very few tracts which have yet appeared on this question that deferves to outlive the occafion that gave birth to them, and to be preferved as replete with information and reflections of general utility

"The oppofition which this measure met with in Scotland, was as virulent and ill-founded as any which is likely to occur in this kingdom; there have exifted, and there will at times exift, in every community, men whofe interoft, and whofe paffions, are at variance with the fober and rational intereft of their country--great and, in many inftances, malignant oppofition was given to the Scottish Union. The Jacobite of that day was nearly as hoftile to the intereft of the united kingdoms as the Jacobin of this. There is this in common between them; that, as the deftruction of our prefent conftitution, through the means of a French invafion, was the favourite measure to hich the efforts of the Jacobise were directed; fo the fame end, through the fame means, conftitutes the fond hope of the Jacobin now; with this view, the Jacobite of Scotland refifted an Union with England in his day; with the fame view the Jacobin of Ireland refifts

it now.

"Itruft, however, the future hiftorian of these times will record the completion of this measure in nearly the fame terms ufed by the hiftorian of the Scottish Union: they are fo appofite to many circumftances which have taken place, and are likely ftill to take place in the progrefs of this bufinefs here, that I cannot forbear to tranfcribe them; fpeaking of the pafling of the first article, he fays,* It was on this happy day, the first article of the Union was paffed in Parliament, after infinite ftruggles, clamour, railing, and tumults of a party, who, however they endeavoured to engage the honeft fcrupulous part of the people with them, yet gave this difcovery of the principles of their own actings, in that there was an entire conjunction of the most opposite factions in this particular; and the very difcovery of this opened the eyes of a great many people, who, in the fimplicity of their hearts, had joined in oppofition to an Union; but when they law the tendency of things, and whither it led; when they faw the fociety they were going to embark with, when they faw the enemies of a Proteftant fettlement, all engaged, and those very people who had filled the land with the groans of oppression, and the cries of blood, coming to join hands with them, againit an Union with England; when they law, to fhun an Union with Chriftians, they were of neceffity to come to an Union with devils, men that had transformed themselves into the very infernal nature, and vifibly acted from principles, in this particular diabolical, in that they intended to erect the abfolute fubjection of the nation to the luft and unbounded appetites of lawless tyrants; when they faw these things fo plainly, we then found an alteration, and the best, most thinking, and most judicious people, begun firit to itop and confider, and afterwards wholly to withdraw from the party; and the clamour of the people, as if come to a critis, began not to be as univerfal, but to abate; and the more t did fo, the more the fecret party, which lay at the bottom of all the reit, began to appear and diftinguifh themselves.' It is fcarcely poflible to imagine language more

applicable to the prefent crifis, the fame clamour and railing, the fame conjunction of the most oppofite factions, the fame misleading of the honef and fcrupulous part of the people, a fimiliar tendency in all their endeavours to a feparation from England, the perfect picture of the Jacobin who had filled the land with the groans of oppreffion, and the cries of blood; the fame confequence of an Union with devils, if the prefent Union with Chriftians be rejected, the fame infernal attempt to fubmit the nation to the luft and unbounded appetite of lawlefs tyrants. It is impoffible not to recognize, in thefe traits, the Jacobin and his French idol. May the iffue be fimilar inay fuch defigns be defeated, and this country and England become one and indiffoluble!" Pp. 29-32.

The queftion of the competence of the Irish Parliament to affent to an Union, and the powers of Parliament in general, are very ably discussed in P. 37, et feq. and the obfervations refpecting the advan tages to be derived from an Union, by the commercial interest in the fitter kingdom, are placed in a very strong, and, at the fame time, a novel, point of view, in P. 47, and from thence to the end of the tract, and are particularly deferving of attention. Indeed we fcruple not to fay, that this, upon the whole, is the most able production that we have yet feen in the courfe of the prefent controverfy.

In reviewing thefe tracts upon the Union, we have acted more as political, than as literary, critics, and have, confequently, been lefs attentive to beauty of compofition than to importance of matter; have preferred fubftance to form, and ftrength of argument to harmony of ftyle: and fuch is the courfe which we mean to pursue in our future review of articles of this defcription, to which, during the agitation of the momentous queftion of incorporation, we propose to appropriate a particular department of our work. There is one grofs error remarkable in the compofitions of Irish writers, with very few exceptions; we mean, the frequent fubftitution of will and would, for hall and should, which not only tends to pervert the fenfe of the paragraph, but, in many cafes, to convey a fignification directly the reverfe of that which the author wifhed to exprefs. Very little attention will fuffice to correct this error; and, as the productions of Irishmen are likely to be much read by Englishmen, to whofe ears it is peculiarly offenfive, we may be allowed to exprefs a hope that fuch attention will henceforth be paid.

THE REVIEWERS REVIEWED.

ART. I. An Oblique View of the Grand Confpiracy against Social Order, &c.

SOME

(Concluded from.P. 79.)

OME apt fpecimens of the found principles and criticafidelity of the Critical Reviewers, who, fince the estan blifhment of this work, and the favourable reception whic